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THE WORLD WAR 

A SYLLABUS 
FOR USE IN THE 
HIGH SCHOOLS 

OF THE 

CITYof NEW YORK 




Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2011 with funding from 
The Library of Congress 



http://www.archive.org/details/syllabusofworldw01newy 



A Syllabus 

of 

The World War 

FOR USE IN THE 

HIGH SCHOOLS 

O F 

The City of New York 



Adopted by the 
BOARD OF SUPERINTENDENTS 



CONTENTS. 

( / ) Roll of Honor of the Allies, July 4, 1918. 

(2) The World War. 

CHAPTER I. The Fundamental Causes of the World War. 

CHAPTER II. The Coming of 'The Day." 

CHAPTER III. The Story of the War. 

CHAPTER IV. German Atrocities and Violations of International 
Law. 

CHAPTER V. Why the United States Entered the War. 

CHAPTER VI. The United States in the World War. 

CHAPTER VII. American Ideals as Set Forth by President Wilson. 

(3) A Chronological List of the Principal Events of the War. 
i.4) A List of War Terms and Names of Places. 

(5) A Brief List of Publications for Reference. 



DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION 

THE CITY OF NEW YORK 

PARK AVENUE AND 59th STREET 

igi8. 



1 






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COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO PREPARE SYLLABUS 

District Superintendent, Ruth G. McGray, Chairman 
District Superintendent, John S. Roberts 
District Superintendent, Edward W. Stitt 
District Superintendent, Cecil A. Kidd 
District Superintendent, Arthur C. Perry, Jr. 

Principal, Jessie B. Colburn 
Principal, Olive M. Jones 
Principal, Marietta J. Tibbits 

The Committee was assisted by the teachers whose names 
follow : 

Anne T. Bridgeman, Morris High School 
Roland Dann, Richmond Hill High School 
Irwin S. Guernsey, DeWitt Clinton High School 
Fayette E. Moyer, DeWitt Clinton High School 
Plelen G. Preston, Newtown High School 
William W. Rogers, Curtis High School 
Mabel Skinner, Washington Irving High School 
Mary J. Way, Girls' High School 

The poster pictures were selected and interpreted by James 
P. Haney, Director of Art in High Schools. 

The cover design and the maps were made by George K. 
Gombarts, DeWitt Clinton High School. 



r >, of 0, 
MM i 1919 



DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION 
THE CITY OF NEW YORK 

PARK AVENUE AND 59TH ST. 

September 18, 1918. 

To Principals of High Schools : 

All the material in Chapters I-VII of 
the accompanying High School Syllabus of the 
World War should be taught during the term 
ending January 31st, 1919, in the most efficient 
and inspiring manner, to all the pupils in your 
school. Notice will be sent later in reference 
to the teaching of this subject during 
subsequent terms. 

I leave to your judgment the determina- 
tion of the amount of time to be devoted to 
this subject and the teachers by whom it is to 
be taught. 

Opportunity should be afforded for re- 
production of the subject matter by pupils as 
well as for presentation by the teacher. The 
subject matter included in this syllabus may be 
supplemented by additional data as the war pro- 
gresses. All such material, however, should be 
approved by the Principal of the school before 
it is used in the classroom. 

In addition to imparting a correct intel- 
lectual understanding of the causes, events and 
issues of the war, our teachers should inspire 
the pupils with a love for the ideals and an 
appreciation of the sacrifices of our country. 
The American Army of the future, both men and 
women, are in our schools to-day. Never before 
have our teachers had so grave a responsibility 
or so wonderful an opportunity. 

"History should be taught so that a 
deep emotional appeal shall be made in 
all topics. A lasting effect can be 
produced on the ideals, purposes and 
emotions of the child only by arousing 
deep feeling in connection with the pre- 
sentation of the subject matter. When- 
ever possible the emotional appeal should 
be positive by citing illustrations of 
the wonderful progress of our country, 
the courage and moral character of our 
great men and the patriotism and sacri- 
fices of the people in time of war." 
(Page 17, Syllabus in- Hi-stor.y and Civics, 
for use in the Elementary Schools) 




Superintendent of Schools 



ROLL OF HONOR 

The Allies 

July 4, 1918 

"What we seek is the reign of law, based upon the consent 
of the governed and sustained by the organized opinion of man- 
kind." — President Wilson, July 4, 1918. 

1914 

Serbia July 28 

France August 3 

Belgium August 4 

Great Britain August 4 

Montenegro August 9 

Japan August 2$ 

1915 

Italy May 2$ 

San Marino . May 24 

1916 
Portugal March 8 

1917 

United States April 6 

Cuba April 7 

Panama April 7 

Greece July 2 

Siam July 22 

Liberia August 4 

China August 14 

Brazil October 26 

1918 

Guatemala April 22 

Nicaragua May 7 

Costa Rica May 23 




A A 



A A 



ALL YOU B 



IVE 



Give It-She Needs It Now/ 



C O M M I 



PUBLIC 



INFORMAT IO N 



T)tawn b\> W. Taylor 

These immigrants have reached the Land of Promise. They are com- 
ing up the pier at Ellis Island. Tn the distance the towering buildings 
of Manhattan show their skyline. This is a poignant appeal to all who 
remember their first step on America's shores. A duty rests with every 
teacher to make plain to pupils the significance of this appeal. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE FUNDAMENTAL CAUSES OF THE WORLD WAR 

In August, 19 14, the most terrible war in the history of civi- 
lization broke upon the world. At first, most of the people of 
neutral countries and, indeed, many people in the allied coun- 
tries, did not see clearly the fundamental causes that produced 
the catastrophe. As time passed and additional facts came to 
light, however, their vision became clearer and soon all the people 
of neutral and allied countries came to one unshakable conclusion, 
— namely, that the responsibility for this war, with all its un- 
speakable horrors, rests upon the shoulders of the German Em- 
peror, his political and military leaders, and the German people. 
Their guilt is so plain that a well-known German writer said : 
"Cease the pitiful attempts to excuse Germany's action. . . . 
Not as weak-willed blunderers have we undertaken the fearful 
risk of this war. WE WANTED IT." 1 

For thirty years, the Kaiser and his leaders had been formu- 
lating a plan of world conquest and domination. By every means 
within their power, they had perfected their plan. The German 
people blindly followed their leaders and believed their teachings 
implicitly. 

Although the Germans have failed in many respects, the 
failure has been due, not to a lack of care in making the plan, 
but to a characteristic inability on their part to understand the 
mind and soul of other nations. German national policy has 
been occupied with material as opposed to spiritual things. The 
German leaders held all other nations in contempt. To them it 
was incomprehensible that Belgium, France, or England should 
oppose the strength of Germany because of a sense of honor and 
loyalty to a pledge. 

In 1914, Germany was the only country in the world that was 
prepared and anxious for war. This condition was the result 
of a number of factors. Five fundamental ones are : 

I. THE AUTOCRATIC NATURE OF THE GERMAN 
GOVERNMENT, by which great power is placed in the Kaiser 
and very little power is given to the people and their representa- 
tives. 

II. THE CHARACTER OF THE PRESENT KAISER. 

III. THE ESTABLISHMENT, BY THE GERMAN 
GOVERNMENT, OF A MIGHTY ARMY AND NAVY, AND 
THE DEVELOPMENT OF A POWERFUL MILITARISTIC 
CLASS. 



IV. THE FORMULATION, BY THE GERMAN GOV- 
ERNMENT, OF PLANS FOR THE DOMINATION OF 
THE WORLD BY GERMANY. These included a definite and 
detailed plan of military action which contemplated the quick 
and decisive conquest of France and Russia, to he followed by 
the conquest of England, and finally of the United States and 
other countries of America. 

V. THE CONSTANT INSTILLING INTO THE MINDS 
OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE BY THE GERMAN GOV- 
ERNMENT, OF IDEAS WHICH MADE THEM WILLING 
TOOLS OF THEIR LEADERS. 

We shall consider each of these five factors in detail. 

I. THE AUTOCRATIC NATURE OF THE GERMAN 
GOVERNMENT 

The German Empire is a federal state, which took its present 
form in 1871. It is composed of twenty-six members, including 
the four kingdoms of Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, and Wurtem- 
berg, and other states of lesser rank, such as grand duchies, 
duchies, principalities, and the three free towns of Liibeck, 
Bremen, and Hamburg. The most recent addition is the Reichs- 
land, or Imperial Territory of Alsace-Lorraine. 

We must not make the mistake of thinking that the German 
federal state is anything like our own Federal Union ; in fact, the 
German form of government is fundamentally different from our 
representative democratic form. The Congress of the United 
States is composed of two bodies, the Senate and the House of 
Representatives ; the members of both houses are elected by the 
people. The Congress makes all federal laws. A bill, having 
passed both houses of Congress, is sent to the President, who is 
also elected by the people. If he signs it, it becomes part of the 
law of the land. If he vetoes it, Congress may, by a two-thirds 
vote, pass it over his veto. A bill becomes a law also if it is not 
returned to Congress either signed or vetoed by the President 
within a certain number of days. The power to declare war is 
vested solely in Congress, the people's representatives. As mem- 
bers of the House of Representatives must be elected every two 
years, and as appropriations for the support of the army must 
not be for a longer term than two years, we can readily see that 
a policy of militarism could never be adopted in the United States 
without the approval of the people. 

Let us compare this system with that of Germany. 

When the German Empire was formed in 1871 there was no 
intention of making it democratic. The ruler is called the Kaiser. 
He inherits the throne. He claims to rule by "Divine Right" and 
is not accountable to the people. 

10 



There are two legislative houses — the Bundesrat and the 
Reichstag. The Bundesrat or Federal Council has important leg- 
islative, executive and judicial functions. It represents the rulers 
of the different states, not the German people. Its members are 
appointed by the reigning princes, and by the three free towns. 
These "representatives" vote as instructed by their rulers. They 
are not appointed to think for themselves, or to look out for the 
welfare of the people of their states. The Kaiser, as king of 
Prussia, has seventeen votes, and as head of the Empire he con- 
trols the three votes of Alsace-Lorraine, which gives him twenty 
votes out of the sixty-one in this Council. The king of Bavaria 
has six votes, and the kings of Saxony and Wurtemburg have 
four each. Most of the states have one vote each. The Bundes- 
rat is a monarchical institution, conserving and protecting the 
power of the Kaiser and the princes of the states. Its proceedings 
are secret. 

The Reichstag, the members of which are elected by universal 
manhood suffrage, is not as democratic as we might infer. As 
the apportionment of seats has not been changed since 187 1, many 
localities are not represented in proportion to the population. 
This is particularly true of the cities. In Berlin, there is. on the 
average, one representative for 125,000 votes; in East Prussia, 
where the land owners, the Junkers, live, there is, on the aver- 
age, one representative for 24,000 votes. This inequitable repre- 
sentation operates to the special disadvantage of the laboring 
classes. The Government has constantly opposed a reapportion- 
ment which would give equitable representation. 

The Reichstag has very little political power. It is distinctly 
subordinate to the Bundesrat and the Kaiser. Its own members 
have referred to it as "a debating society" and "a hall of echoes." 
One of its leading members said : "Why does the Reichstag sit 
at all? Why does it pass resolutions if behind it is a waste- 
paper basket into which these resolutions are thrown?" 2 Fur- 
thermore, the Kaiser with the consent of the Bundesrat, can 
dissolve the Reichstag in case it proves troublesome. 

It is most important in any form of government that the 
power of declaring war shall be lodged in the people's represen- 
tatives because, if that great power lies in their hands, the people 
can protect themselves against a ruler who desires to force them 
into war. But in Germany the Reichstag, which is the only body 
in which the people have any representation, has no voice in de- 
claring war. The Kaiser, with the consent of the Bundesrat, can 
declare an offensive war, and the Kaiser can declare a defensive 
war without consulting even the Bundesrat. As only the Kaiser 
decides whether a war is offensive or defensive, his power to 
declare war is practically absolute. In spite of the fact that Ger- 
many was the aggressor in this war, the Kaiser declared it a war 
of defense. The Bundesrat was not officially informed of the war 
until three days after it had been declared by the Kaiser. 

11 



Under the German Constitution, which was made by the rulers 
and never voted on by the people, the German people are helpless 
to change the situation. Fourteen votes in the Bundesrat are 
sufficient to block any change in the Constitution, and the Kaiser, 
with his twenty votes, would naturally vote against curtailing his 
power. It seems, therefore, as though nothing short of a revo- 
lution can make Germany democratic. 

TI. THE CHARACTER OF THE PRESENT KAISER 

Great as the danger is of permitting such power to reside in 
the hands of one ruler, the danger becomes more serious when 
we consider the character of the present Kaiser. 

The Kaiser is a very nervous, excitable, impetuous, and ego- 
istic man. He has a fondness for having his picture taken 
dressed like a great war lord, in full military costume, with a 
haughty, domineering expression on his face. He glories in the 
strength of the German army and navy and dreams of great 
world conquests. His heroes are Alexander, Caesar, Theodoric 
II, Napoleon and Frederick the Great. 

When he became King of Prussia and German Emperor in 
1888, his first address was to the army, his second to the inavy. 
Only after the lapse of several days did he issue any greetings 
to the nation. In an address in connection with laying the cor- 
nerstone of a church, he said: "It is the soldiers and the army, 
not parliamentary majorities, that have welded the German Em- 
pire together. 'My confidence rests upon the army." 

In recent years, he has come to be more and more in sym- 
pathy with the war-like policies of the Pan-German League, which 
have been insistently advocated by the Crown Prince. Their 
policy calls for extensive annexations of territory to the German 
Empire, the controlling of Austria Hungary and the Balkan 
States, and the reaching out through Turkey to India by the "Ber- 
lin-Bagdad" Railway. 

The Kaiser's imperious nature led him to interfere constantly 
in the international relations of other countries and brought the 
world to the verge of war on a number of previous occasions. 
He encouraged brutality among his troops in China by saying: 
"When you come upon the enemy no quarter will be given. No 
prisoners will be taken. As the Huns under their King, Attila, a 
thousand years ago, made a name for themselves which is still 
mighty in tradition and story, so may the name of Germany in 
China be kept alive through you in such wise that no Chinese 
will ever again attempt even to look askance at a German." This 
policy has been followed in the present war. Such inhuman 
treatment has been accorded to prisoners and to non-combatants 
and such barbarous methods have been employed in warfare that 
Germans are now characterized universally throughout the civi- 

12 



lized world as "Huns," in indignation and reproach for their out- 
rageous brutality. 

In the course of time, the Kaiser's desire for world dominion 
overcame all moral scruples. Ministers were appointed and dis- 
missed at will, and systems of espionage, bribery, and treachery 
were organized and carried on in all countries even while Ger- 
many professed friendship for them. Secret treaties were made 
and broken without regard for truthfulness or fair dealing. As 
President Wilson said: "We cannot take the word of the present 
rulers of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure." 
The Kaiser's boastful utterances that he is the chosen instrument 
of God to lead the world to a better civilization and his many 
sacrilegious statements have shocked the religious sensibilities of 
all people. He said: "It is to the Empire of the World that the 
German genius aspires. God has called us to civilize the world ; 
we are the missionaries of human progress." His domineering 
nature led him to say on another occasion : "Only one is master 
in this country. That is I. Who opposes me I shall crush to 
pieces. All of you have only one will, and that is my will ; there 
is only one law, and that is my law." 

The difference between the spirit of the United States and the 
spirit of Germany can be appreciated by contrasting the boasts 
of this man with the words of the simple, straightforward, hon- 
est and religious American, Abraham Lincoln : 

"With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness 
in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to 
finish the work we are in ; to bind up the nation's wounds ; to 
care for him who shall have bqrne the battle and for his widow 
and orphans ; to do all which may achieve and cherish a just 
and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." 

III. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A MIGHTY ARMY AND 

NAVY, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF A 

POWERFUL MILITARISTIC CLASS 

i. The Army. After 1871 Germany maintained a large 
army to guard against a possible "War of Revenge" on the part 
of France. In spite of the fact that a pacifist policy prevailed 
in France and England and that France made no attempt to 
regain her lost provinces, the German leaders used one pretext 
or another to persuade the people to continue to support large 
military and naval forces. 

In 191 1 the German estimates provided for increases, par- 
ticularly in artillery and machine guns, and the peace strength of 
the army was raised. In 1912, further additions were made. 
In 1913, the great German Army Bill was introduced, provid- 
ing for immense and sensational additions. 63,000 more re- 
cruits were to be taken each year; the total peace strength of 

13 



the army was to be increased by about 200,000 men ; and large 
appropriations were made for aircraft and fortifications. In ad- 
dition, over $200,000,000 was to be raised for initial expenditures. 
These changes were to become effective before the end of the 
year, so that by midsummer, 1914, the German military strength 
would be enormously increased. It is of interest to note that the 
number of additional recruits, 63,000, conscripted every year in 
Germany, was equal to the total strength of the American army 
in 1898. 

On account of her small population, France was unable to 
increase the number of men available for her army. About 
eighty per cent, of the young Frenchmen who became of age 
each year had been conscripted; whereas in Germany, up to the 
time of the new Army law of 1 9 1 3 , considerably less than fifty 
per cent, had been required to serve. 

The French Government, therefore, asked the Legislature to 
increase the French forces in the only way possible, i. e., by 
lengthening the term of active military service from two years 
to three, and by extending the age limit of reserves from forty- 
seven to forty-nine. But since Germany was conscripting every 
year 63,000 more men than formerly, and since France could ob- 
tain no new recruits, the French army had to be increased at the 
expense of the reserves, and France's numerical inferiority 
would become more marked each year. 

2. The Nervy. It has been said that "England's navy is a 
necessity; Germany's a luxury." Germany's navy, however, was 
planned and created as a menace to England. A German ad- 
miral wrote, in 1900, "Let us consider the case of a war against 
England. In spite of what many people think, there is nothing 
improbable in such a war. Our chances of success in a war 
against England grow more favorable day by day." He then 
showed that Germany would have an advantage because Eng- 
land would be obliged to defend her scattered dominions, while 
Germany's fleet could remain concentrated in European waters. 

In 1898 and 1900 large naval appropriations were made by 
the German government for the building of modern warships. 
This was clue mainly to the influence of the German Navy 
League. This is an organization financed chiefly by the Krupps, 
the owners of the greatest gun and armor factory of Germany. 
The Kaiser is a large stockholder in it. 

In 1905, the dreadnaught type of battleship was introduced. 
These powerful battleships, of high speed, large tonnage and 
heavv armament rendered most of the older war vessels use- 
less. Germany realized that if she could build as many of these 
ships as England was building she would be able to overcome or 
at least to reduce materially England's naval superiority. In 1906 
and 1908 she built a large number of dreadnaughts. In the mean- 

14 



while, England had discarded 180 of the older English ships 
as of no further fighting value. 

After the European crisis in 1905, England, desiring to carry 
out comprehensive and expensive projects of social reform, pro- 
posed a limitation of armaments. The German leaders flatly re- 
fused to consider the proposition. England also attempted to 
have the limitation of armaments discussed at the Second Hague 
Conference, in 1907, but the German Emperor refused to be even 
represented if the question of disarmament were to be brought 
forward. Nevertheless, at the conference, the British delegate 
read a declaration that Great Britain was ready to exchange 
naval estimates in advance with any other power in the hope that 
the exchange might lead to a reduction. 

In 1914 the enlargement of the Kiel Canal was finished, giv- 
ing Germany a short route entirely under her own control, by 
which she could move her largest battleships directly from the 
Baltic to the North Sea. She could therefore strike at both Rus- 
sia and Great Britain. The North Sea outlet was protected by 
the mighty fortress of Helgoland, the island obtained from Eng- 
land in exchange for African territory in 1890. 

3. A Powerful Militaristic Class. "Prussia is not a country 
which possesses an army ; it is an army which possesses a coun- 
try." The possession of even a large standing army does not 
necessarily imply a militaristic state. By militarism is meant the 
domination of civil life and national policy by the leaders of the 
army and navy. In Germany, the large number of military and 
naval officers, together with the great land owners and those 
who profit by the manufacture of munitions and other war sup- 
plies, form a strong military class who have finally succeeded in 
dominating all the governmental policies of the country. The of- 
ficers are chosen from the wealthy and privileged classes ; the 
common people serve as privates under harsh discipline. In the 
American army, promotion is open to all who show ability and 
courage. 

As their power increased, the members of the militaristic 
class became more and more arrogant and overbearing. Many 
instances of this may be given, but the "Zabern incident" may 
serve as a type. The overbearing conduct of the military gar- 
rison in this Alsatian town had aroused much dislike of them 
among the townspeople. On one occasion some children jeered 
at a young lieutenant, who thereupon drew his sword and 
wounded a lame cobbler who did not move out of his way quickly 
enough. The officer was censured by the Reichstag, and was 
sentenced by court martial to detention for a short period. His 
promotion, however, which soon followed, indicates the real at- 
titude of the German government toward such officials. 

The militaristic class had become very powerful in 1914 and 
had built up a great military machine — "every male citizen, 

15 



through the long years of his life under the iron heel of the mili- 
tary establishment ; every able-bodied male within certain ages, 
held accountable at any single moment to drop his work to re- 
port at the barracks, to be accoutered and armed, and to step 
upon a waiting train and go with a million of his fellows to be 
hurled at any point which the high command selected." 3 

IV. THE FORMULATION BY THE AUTOCRATIC GER- 
MAN GOVERNMENT OF PLANS FOR THE DOMI- 
NATION OF THE WORLD BY GERMANY. 

These plans included the following : 

i. Control of Central Europe and Asiatic Turkey through the 
realization of the ideas of a "Mitt el-Euro pa" and of th£ 
"Berlin, to Bagdad" Raihvay. 

(a) The idea of a "Mittel-Europa" or Central Europe con- 
templated "the consolidation of the German Empire, the Austro- 
Hungarian Monarchy, and 

the Balkan States into a 
single economic unit which 
might be exploited by Ger- 
many in the interests of 
German commerce and 
German militarism." 4 By 
this plan, the Kaiser would 
become the virtual ruler of 
all these countries and 
would have control "over 
the Germans, French, 
Danes and Poles in the 
German Empire, over the 
Magyars, Germans, Ru- 
manians, Slovaks, Croats, and Serbs in Hungary ; over the Ger- 
mans, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, and Southern Slavs in Austria." 4 

(b) The object of the "Berlin to Bagdad" Railway — one 
writer speaks of the "Antwerp to Bagdad" Railway — was to gain 
control for Germany of Central Europe and of Western Asia as 
far as the Persian Gulf. This plan aimed to bring both Euro- 
pean Turkey and Asiatic Turkey under the military and com- 
mercial control of Berlin. 

These two plans would add to the seventy million people in 
Germany, one hundred million more persons to be a part of the 
great German military system. 

A study of the map shows that Serbia lies across the belt of 
land included in the scheme for a Central Europe and is directly 
in the line of the "Berlin to Bagdad" Railway. Obviously these 




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two plans of Germany could not be carried to success unless 
Serbia was brought under the power of Germany. Since the 
Serbians hated the Austrians and would not enter into a union 
with them or with the Germans, the only way that these plans 
could be consummated was by a war which would result in the 
conquest of Serbia. Moreover, a war would enable Germany to 
obtain, under the plea of the necessity for unified leadership, com- 
plete control of the military, financial, and commercial affairs of 
her allies, Austria-Hungary and Turkey. 

2. Conquest of Continental Europe by suddenly overwhelming 

the neighboring nations. 

Tbe German leaders were confident that by attacking France 
through Belgium they could capture Paris in three weeks, seize 
Antwerp, Calais, and the channel ports, and levy huge indem- 
nities upon France. Then they planned to attack Russia and 
take a large part of Western Russia. 

3. Conquest of England and the rest of the world. 

Upon the successful completion of these parts of the plan, 
Germany would ask for peace so that she might organize a 
mighty army from among these peoples and develop the com- 
mercial and economic resources of the countries absorbed into 
her empire. In course of time, however, there would come the 
next step — an attack upon England and the rest of the British 
Empire, and later the conquest of countries in North and South 
America. A moment's consideration will show that if Germany 
had been able to carry out successfully her plan for the domina- 
tion of "Mittel-Europa" and for the conquest of continental 
Europe, she would then be so strong, that she might conquer Eng- 
land. With France, Russia, and England under her control, her 
plans for the conquest of the rest of the world would become a 
most serious menace to the United States. 

If, in considering these plans for world domination, it is borne 
in mind that Serbia was the key for the success of the plans for 
conquest in the East and Belgium the key in the West, we can 
see clearly why these small heroic nations were attacked and 
ruthlessly devastated. 

V. THE CONSTANT INSTILLING INTO THE MINDS 
OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE, BY THE AUTOCRATIC 
GERMAN GOVERNMENT, OF IDEAS THAT MADE 
TFIE PEOPLE THE WILLING TOOLS OF THEIR 
LEADERS. 

Among the means by which this was accomplished are: 

1. The German educational system. 

The German educational system is not based on the idea thai 
all men are created free and equal and should have equal oppor- 

18 



tunities. On the contrary, it is planned to perpetuate the exist- 
ing differences in social status. There are schools for the chil- 
dren of the poorer classes to attend, but the children of the 
wealthier classes attend schools in which the educational oppor- 
tunities, the social surroundings, the equipment, and the teachers 
are much better. 

A writer who has made a careful examination of the German 
school system says : 

"We believe that a careful study of the Prussian school sys- 
tem will convince any unbiased reader that the Prussian citizen 
cannot be free to do and act for himself ; that the Prussian to a 
large measure is enslaved through the medium of his school ; 
that his learning, instead of making him his own master, forges 
the chain by which he is held in servitude ; that the whole scheme 
of Prussian elementary education is shaped with the express pur- 
pose of making ninety-five out of every hundred citizens sub- 
servient to the ruling house and to the State. 

"The elementary schools of Prussia have been fashioned so 
as to make spiritual and intellectual slaves of the lower classes. 
The schools have been used almost exclusively to establish more 
firmly the Hohenzollern upon his throne. The present Emperor 
wrote in 1889: 

' 'The schools . . . must impress on the youth how 
Prussian kings have continually taken pains to better the con- 
ditions of the working class.' 

"The Prussian elementary school is the best in the world 
from the point of view of the upper classes of Germany. From 
the point of view of the lower classes it is the worst system, for 
it takes from them all hope of improving their condition in life. 
The Prussian method of education has produced a people thai 
moves as one man at the command of its king." 5 

2. The use of the press and other agencies to impart ideas 
which would lead the people to support the plans of the govern- 
ment. 

Basing their arguments on the German love of country, the 
leaders held out to the people visions of riches and power through 
German domination of Europe and Asia. The leaders realized 
that this world power could be obtained only through war, and 
therefore led many of the people to believe that war was a holy 
and righteous thing. The success of Germany in previous wars 
convinced the leaders that a sudden and unexpected blow would 
overcome their neighbors and bring to Germany, at small cost, 
large indemnities and additions of territory. The German peo- 
ple were taught that they are destined to rule the world, and 
that all other people are beneath them in strength, ability and 
character. The Dutch were said to have deteriorated morally 
and physically, the Russians to be barbarians, the Latin races to 

19 



be degenerate, the English to have lost all virtue and chivalry, 
and the Americans to be mere money-grabbers. The Kaiser 
said, "Great ideals have become for us Germans a permanent 
possession while other nations have lost them. The German na- 
tion is now the only people left which is called upon to protect, 
cultivate, and promote these grand ideals." 

Other motives, all of them specious and some designed to in- 
cite fear were put forward. The people were led to believe that 
Germany was "encircled" by enemies who were seeking to de- 
stroy her ; that the "Slavic peril" was a great menace, that France 
wanted revenge for her lost provinces, and that England sought 
to stifle German commerce. 

CONCLUSION 

The most important factors, therefore, that produced the 
terrible world war that began in August, 1914, are: 

An autocratic, unrepresentative German government ; an 
imperious, power-seeking German ruler ; a mighty German 
army and navy ; an arrogant, privileged, self-seeking, German 
militaristic class ; a carefully elaborated plan for world-wide 
dominion by Germany ; and a German people who willingly 
submitted to the rule of their ambitious and unscrupulous 
leaders. 

The leaders openly boasted of "The Day" when the German 
military and naval machine would annihilate all who dared 
oppose it. 



(1) Maximilian Harden. Translation. New York Times, Dec. 6, 
1914. 

(2) Charles D. Hazen. The Govern incut of Germany. War in- 
formation Series. August, 1914. 

(3) Theodore G. Soares. "Fight the Next War Now!" Patriotism 
through Education Series, National Security League, February, 1918. 

(4) War Cyclopedia. "Mitt el-Euro pa." Committee on Public In- 
formation. 

(5) Thomas Alexander. The Prussian School System. The Mac- 
millan Co. 



20 




Drawn b\) Thomas Biggs 

This poster, drawn from the high school competition, illustrates in 
skillful fashion the dependence of the army in one field upon the army 
that works in another. The worker in the furrow throws himself at his 
task, as the distant clouds on the horizon take before his mind the shape 
of his brothers in arms whom he is seeking to support. This is a direct 
appeal to every lad upon every farm in the country. 

21 



CHAPTER II. 

THE COMING OF "THE DAY" 

At last came the day for which Germany had been waiting — 
"The Day" which had so often been toasted by their leaders and 
for which the entire nation had been preparing for nearly two 
generations. 

There were three countries in Europe which Germany con- 
sidered unfriendly to her — England, France, and Russia. In 
1914, these nations seemed, to Germany, particularly unprepared 
for war. In England, there had recently been widespread strikes 
among the railway workers and in the mines, leading Germany 
to believe that English labor, being in a state of discontent, would 
fail to give hearty support to the government if a crisis should 
arise. Ireland was in a turmoil over proposed Home Rule. A 
strong pacifist element had grown up in Great Britain. The 
army was small ; the Kaiser spoke of it as "England's contempt- 
ible little army." Furthermore, as England obtained her soldiers 
by the volunteer system and not by compulsory military service, 
a large part of her population had had no military training. In 
France, the financial situation was the worst since 1872; party 
feeling was running high and there were glaring deficiencies ir> 
the equipment of the French army. As stated in the previous 
chapter, a new law, 19 13, increased the length of military service 
of the men of France. This was in reply to that Army Bill of 
Germany which had alarmed all Europe. But France would not 
begin to reap the benefits of this military legislation until 1916. 
In Russia, the army was in process of re-organization, but Rus- 
sia, too, was harassed by strikes and labor unrest. All of these 
conditions Germany's secret agents noted carefully and reported 
to their government. 

At the time that these three nations seemed so unprepared 
for war, Germany felt herself ready to "make her way with 
blood and iron to the fulfillment of her political destiny," and 
to "execute the judgment of God" on the other nations of the 
world. Some time in the spring of that year, Germany decided 
that "The Day" had arrived. She began to call home those of 
her reservists who lived in foreign lands, and stood waiting for 
the hour to strike. 

Now it happened that on June 28, 1914, the heir to the Aus- 
trian throne and his wife were murdered in Serajevo, the capital 
of Bosnia, a province in the southern part of Austria-Hungary, 
by an Austrian subject of the Serb race. Austria immediately 
accused Serbia of having incited the Serbs living in Austria to 
hate the country and to have contempt for its institutions. She 

23 



sent a note to Serbia July 2$, 1914, in which she made ten 
peremptory demands upon the Serbian government, so brutal 
and humiliating- in both language and substance that when they 
were made public the rest of the world was astounded. She 
closed her communication by stating brusquely that she would 
expect a reply within forty-eight hours. 

On July 25, Serbia sent a note to Austria which she hoped 
"would remove any misunderstanding which might threaten to 
impair the good neighborly relations between the Austro-Hun- 
garian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Serbia." She accepted 
eight of the ten Austrian demands, all that she could accept 
without an actual sacrifice of her national sovereignty and a com- 
plete submission to Austrian domination. She offered to arbi- 
trate even the other two demands. 

To the amazement of the other nations of Europe, Austria 
said this reply was unsatisfactory. It soon became evident that 
she did not want to settle her cpiarrel with Serbia. Prompted 
by her own selfish motives and by the pernicious influence of 
Germany, Austria severed her diplomatic relations with Serbia, 
declared war, July 28, and bombarded Belgrade, the capital of 
Serbia, the next day. 

Since the summer of 1914, many facts have come to light 
which help to make plain certain tilings which were not clear at 
that time. 

A former prime minister of Italy, Signor Giolitti, has pub- 
licly declared that as early as August, 1913, Austria communi- 
cated ber intention of acting against Serbia and asked for Italy's 
cooperation. Italy refused to help, saying that her alliance with 
Austria was for defensive purposes only, and that she hoped 
that Germany would dissuade Austria from so foolish a project. 
Evidently, therefore, the Serajevo murder was only a pretext for 
war as far as Austria was concerned. 

Moreover, we now have definite information concerning the 
time and place at which the Kaiser and his associates determined 
upon this war. Henry Morgenthau, formerly United States Am- 
bassador to Turkey, said: "The German Ambassador (to Tur- 
key), informed me that a conference had been held in Berlin in 
the early part of July (1914), at which the date of the war was 
fixed. This conference was presided over by the Kaiser. With 
him were the leaders of German finance, the directors of the rail- 
roads, and the captains of industry. Each man was asked if he 
was ready for the war. All replied in the affirmative except the 
financiers who insisted that they must have two weeks in which 
to sell foreign securities and arrange their loans." Dr. Muhlon, 
a former member of the Krupp Directorate, stated that a Director 
of the Deutsche Bank, one of those who attended the conference, 
confided the following to him: "The Austrians have just been 
with the Kaiser. In a week's time Vienna will send a very se- 

24 



vere ultimatum to Serbia, with a very short interval for the an- 
swer. * * * A whole series of definite satisfactions will be 
demanded at once ; otherwise Austria-Hungary will declare war 
on Serbia. * * * The Kaiser has expressed his decided ap- 
proval of this procedure on the part of Austria-Hungary. 
* *' * He said if Russia mobilizes, he will mobilize also. But 
in his case mobilization means immediate war. * * The 

Austrians were extremely well satisfied at this determined atti- 
tude on the part of the Kaiser." 

From other reliable sources we know that the two conferences 
just mentioned were one and the same, and that this ''decisive 
conversation," as Prince Lichnowsky calls it, was held at Pots- 
dam, July 5. For this reason it is commonly referred to as "The 
Potsdam Conference." 

Prince Lichnowsky was the German ambassador to Great 
Britain at the outbreak of the war. Some of his private papers 
became public and created a great sensation. One of the many 
accusations he makes against his own country is: "It is shown by 
all official publications, and is not disproved by our own White 
Book, which, owing to the poverty of its contents and to its omis- 
sions constitutes a grave indictment against ourselves, that we en- 
couraged Count Berchtold, (Austrian Foreign Minister), to at- 
tack Serbia, although no German interest was involved, and the 
danger of a World War must have been known to us. Whether 
we were acquainted with the wording of the ultimatum is com- 
pletely immaterial." 

As soon as Russia received word of Austria's note to Serbia, 
she sent a message to Austria asking that the period for the Ser- 
bian reply be extended. Russia had a keen interest in all Balkan 
affairs, and a special interest in Serbia. The Serbs were kins- 
men and co-religionists of Russia, and she could not see Serbia 
maltreated. Austria knew that. In fact, Austria's action was a 
plain challenge to Russia. Nevertheless, Russia expressed her- 
self as anxious only that some impartial method be found for 
determining the justice of Austria's demands, and declared her- 
self willing to carry on direct negotiations with Austria, or to 
submit the question to a conference of the Great Powers or to the 
Hague Tribunal. Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs, suggested on July 26, that a confer- 
ence be held composed of the German and Italian ambassadors 
to Great Britain to represent Austria's interests, and the French 
ambassador and himself to represent Russia. France, Italy and 
Russia were willing to accept this plan, but Germany and Austria 
refused. At the same time, Germany asked France and Great 
Britain to "exercise a moderating influence at St. Petersburg," 
but she refused to take similar action with Austria. Sir Edward 
Grey and other ministers "strained every effort to secure peace 
and to avert the calamity we all feared." But all was of no avail. 

25 



The only nation that could put out the great conflagration now 
that it was started was Germany, and Germany wanted war. On 
August i, Germany declared war on Russia giving as her reason 
the Russian mobilization on the Austro-Hungarian front, over- 
looking the fact that she, Germany, had been secretly mobilizing 
since July 21. 

In giving this as her reason for declaring war, Germany 
planned ( 1 ) to persuade the German people that the war had 
been forced upon them ; ( 2 ) to save time, since the Kaiser could 
declare war without the consent of even the Bundesrat if he 
claimed that the war was a defensive one; and (3) to win the 
support of Italy who was pledged to aid Austria and Germany in 
defensive wars only. The first two objects were achieved ; the 
third failed of consummation. Italy declared that this war was 
as clearly one of aggression as the one proposed in 1913, and 
resolutely refused to fight. When she finally did enter the war 
in 191 5, she joined the Allies. 

On the same day that Germany declared war on Russia, 
August 1, she invaded Luxemburg, a very small neutral country 
located between Germany and France. She asked France what 
her attitude would be in case of war between Germany and Rus- 
sia, and was told that France would do what her interests dic- 
tated. Germany's reply to this spirited message was her ulti- 
matum to Belgium demanding free passage of troops across Bel- 
gian territory so that she might attack France from the East. 

While Germany was planning to violate the neutrality of 
Belgium, she took care to protect herself against the possibility 
of an attack by France through Switzerland, by assuring herself 
that Switzerland would remain neutral. 

In order to realize the full iniquity of this proposal of Ger- 
many we must know that in 1839, Prussia, with Great Britain, 
France, Russia and Austria had solemnly covenanted to respect 
the independence of Belgium and had become one of the guar- 
antors of her neutrality. In 1870, Prussia reaffirmed this treaty, 
and in 191 3 Germany had assured Belgium she would respect 
the neutrality she had guaranteed. 

On July 31, 19 14, Sir Edward Grey addressed both the Ger^ 
man and the French governments asking whether they were pre- 
pared to respect the neutrality of Belgium. France replied 
promptly in the affirmative, but Germany evaded giving a definite 
reply. 

As late as August 2, Germany's ambassador at Brussels said 
he was confident that the Government might feel secure in re- 
gard to the intention of their eastern neighbors. But on August 
4, the German forces poured across the frontier, and there fol- 
lowed that period of "Frightfulness" in Belgium that the world 
will never forget. 

26 



One writer said : "The fact that Belgium was an interna- 
tionalized state has made the invasion the master tragedy of the 
war. For Belgium represented what progress the world had 
made toward cooperation. The German crime in Belgium is a 
crime against the basis of faith on which the world must build 
or perish." 

The head of the Belgian Mission to the United States told 
three years later how the war came to Belgium : 

"On August 2, in the evening, my government had received 
a most insulting ultimatum from Germany, demanding unim- 
peded passage for her troops and offering a bribe, to sell our 
honor and to disregard our plighted word. 

"We were given twelve hours within which to make reply. 
The time was more than enough. There could be only one an- 
swer. The King summoned his cabinet and his ministers of 
state. They were all of one mind. In fact, there was absolute 
unanimity of thought in every Belgian mind, and there was not a 
dissenting voice in the council of the King. Belgium's reply was 
sent to the German legation before 7 o'clock in the morning of 
August 3. 

"You all know the substance of that reply. One sentence of 
the document reads : 'The Belgian Government, if they were to 
accept the proposals submitted to them would sacrifice the honor 
of the nation and betray their duties toward Europe.' Neither 
Belgium's liberty nor her honor was for sale." 

Germany declared war on France, August 3. Her plan was 
to rush her troops through Belgium, overrun the northern part 
of France, capture Paris and dictate terms of peace, and then 
turn against Russia and concentrate on defeating her. But little 
Belgium interfered with her schedule and the time table went 
to pieces. Belgium had seen the building of great German rail- 
ways right up to her frontier with no apparent economic reasons 
for their construction, and in 1913, had adopted legislation which 
gave her universal military service. When the hordes of German 
soldiers swept over the boundary into Belgium they found that 
they would have to fight their way through. 

As soon as Belgium realized that her neutrality was threat- 
ened, King Albert sent an appeal to England, asking for dip- 
lomatic intervention to safeguard the integrity of Belgium. Great 
Britain responded with a note to Germany warning her to re- 
spect Belgium's neutrality, and when Germany, disregarding the 
warning, invaded Belgium, England declared war, August 4. 

At the last interview of the British ambassador with the Ger- 
man chancellor, von Bethman-Hollweg, just before the former 
gentleman left Berlin, the chancellor in a state of great excite- 
ment asserted that Great Britain was going to war on a kindred 

27 



nation "just for a scrap of paper." This expresses the opinion 
that the German rulers have of their treaties. 

New evidence is being constantly added to the overwhelm- 
ing evidence which we already possess that Austria deliber- 
ately planned an aggressive stroke in 1914, that in this she 
was aided and abetted by Germany, and that in the end it 
was Germany that caused the failure of all attempts at arbi- 
tration, hoping to humiliate Russia, disintegrate the triple En- 
tente, promote her plan for a great Pan-German State and es- 
tablish her "Berlin to Bagdad" Railroad. "Never in the his- 
tory of the world has a greater crime than this been commit- 
ted. Never has a crime after its commission been denied with 
greater effrontery and hypocrisy." 



Note : Quotations in Chapter II are from official documents and from 
"I Accuse. Indictment of the German Government by a German." ( Do- 
ran-1915.) 




Feed a Fighter 



Eat only what you need — 

c Waste nothing — 

That he and his family 

may have enough 

X* ELD. . S. iATES £LQiQ_fcL_ .^ Q ! SJLSX B ^vrmN.^ 

Drawn by W . Morgan 

Here in a trench, seated on the "Fire-step," an American soldier is 
snatching a hasty meal. His gun rests on the step ready for instant 
use. Around his feet the mud-pools glisten. He must spend his waking- 
hours in ceaseless watching". For this exhausting work he must have 
wheat, sugar and meat to sustain him. We at home must save these for 
our boys. 

29 



CHAPTER III. 

THE STORY OF THE WAR 
I. COMPARISON OF CONTESTANTS 

(a) Adz'antagcs of the Central Powers 

On account of their long and careful preparation, Germany 
and Austria-Hungary had several decided advantages over the 
Allies at the outhreak of the war. The most important of these 
were : 

1. A superiority in the number of trained soldiers. The 

French army was much smaller than the German army ; 
England could send only 150,000 men to France during 
the first three weeks of the war ; Russia had a large 
number of men, but they were neither well trained nor 
properly equipped. 

2. A superiority in the quantity and kinds of guns and am- 

munition, as well as in the facilities for manufacturing 
munitions. 

3. A superiority in geographical position. The Central 

Powers are compact, with no intervening seas or enemies 
to separate them from one another. Part of the Ger- 
man war plan had been the construction of strategic 
railways, particularly to the Belgian and Russian fron- 
tiers, thus making it easy to move and concentrate large 
bodies of troops in a short time. 

These advantages and the violation of the neutrality of Bel- 
gium and Luxemburg enabled Germany, early in the war, to 
seize 50% of the coal, 90% of the iron ore and 80% of the iron 
and steel manufactures of France. 

The Allies tried to offset these advantages. Great Britain, by 
heroic efforts, organized a large army and sent it to France. She 
also undertook the enormous task of equipping and feeding her 
soldiers and has carried on this work with marvelous efficiency. 
Russia was handicapped by her industrial backwardness. More- 
over, it was difficult for her to import needed supplies, because, 
as the Baltic and the Dardanelles were closed, her only gateways 
were Archangel in the Arctic Zone and the long route of the 
Trans-Siberian Railroad — the latter necessitating a haul of 7,000 
miles to the battle-front. Nevertheless, she mobilized quickly and 
made it necessary for the Germans to hold a large army on the 
eastern frontier. 

31 




(b) Advantages of the Allies. 

i. France, Great Britain, and Germany could not provide 
themselves with all the food they needed. All strove, by in- 
creased production and purchases from neutrals, to make 
good the deficiency. 

2. Cooperation among- the Allies, so that munitions, food, 
and troops might be brought to the countries that needed 
them, .required (i) a vast merchant marine and (2) a 
mighty nary to protect it. 

Fortunately, "the Allies had both of these. Of all the mer- 
chant shipping in 1914, 87% was allied or neutral; the Allied 
navies were decidedly superior to the German and Austrian 
navies. The issue" of the war in its early stages undoubtedly de- 
pended upon the ability of the British and French war fleets to 
keep the sea-lanes clear. 

The greatest victory of the entire war was won by the Allies, 
as soon as war was declared, when all the German and Austrian 
vessels at sea scurried to their own or to neutral ports for shel- 
ter or were captured or sunk. Since then, clay after day, tht 



32 



patrol of the ocean highways by the Allied navies has never re- 
laxed nor failed. Two results followed, which far surpass 
any spectacular successes gained by Germany : first, German 
commerce was destroyed and Germany was brought to the verge 
of starvation ; second, the Allies have been able to transport 
millions of soldiers and the immense quantity of food, ammuni- 
tion, and other material needed to maintain them. 

II. 1914 

The war opened in the West with a vicious German attack on 
France, through Luxemburg and Belgium, although the neutral- 
ity of both of these had been guaranteed by Germany. 

Luxemburg had only 430 soldiers ; and although the ruler, the 
Grand Duchess, attempted to block the highway, in protest, the 
Germans arrogantly ignored her. 

Belgium resisted gallantly. Liege held out sixteen days 
against heavy siege artillery ; the Germans were thus set ba»;k 
ten days in their schedule. The "contemptible little army" of the 
British threw itself in the way of the onrushing hosts at Mons 
and fought with wonderful courage. These events, and heroic 
French resistance everywhere, gave Jofffe time to collect his 
army of manoeuvre of 500,000 men. With it on September 6-10, 
he struck the over-extended German line in the battle of the 
Marne. Von Kluek, who was farthest west, had to retreat, 
abandoning wounded, guns, and equipment. Paris, which the Ger- 
mans had almost reached, was saved, although the danger was 
so great that the capital was temporarily removed to Bordeaux. 
"At the Marne, France saved herself and Europe." The German 
forces withdrew to the line of the Aisne where the Allies vainlv 
tried to dislodge them. The final event of the year in the West 
was an attempted German drive toward Calais. The Belgians 
opened the dikes, the British held in the first battle of Ypres, 
and the result was a German loss of 150,000 men. 

In the East, the Russians, mobilizing rapidly, entered East 
Prussia, where they met a disastrous defeat at Tannenberg, Au- 
gust 31 to September 1. Hindenburg's victory cost the Prussians 
dearly, however, for the necessity of hurrying troops from France 
against Russia weakened the resistance to Joffre's great counter- 
stroke at the Marne. 

Elsewhere, things went well for the Allies. The Turks, en- 
tering the war October 29, were defeated in the Caucasus by 
Russia, and also failed in their attempt to enter Egypt. A revolt 
in South Africa against the English, fomented by Germans, was 
crushed by loyal Boers. The conquest, by the Allies, of the 
German colonies in Africa followed, and the people, both the 
natives and those who had emigrated from Germany, welcomed 

33 




Lukehburg 



-CHANNEL PORTS 



34 



their release from the cruel militaristic rule of the German of- 
ficials. 

On the whole, the year ended well for the Allies, but Ger- 
many was making colossal plans for 191 5. 

III. 1915 

This year was, on the whole, unfavorable to the Allies. 

In April, in spite of the fact that they violated international 
law by using gas, the Germans were thrown back by the Cana- 
dians in the second battle of Ypres. During the rest of the year 
a virtual deadlock was maintained on the western front, although 
the commanding positions on high ground were in the hands of 
the Germans. 

On the eastern front, a terrific drive directed by von Hinden- 
burg and von Mackensen, forced the Russian armies, commanded 
by the Grand Duke Nicholas, back hundreds of miles. The Rus- 
sian losses totaled over 3,000,000 men, in killed, wounded and 
prisoners ; a large part of Russia, including Poland, fell into the 
hands of the enemy. 

In two other fields of the war, the Allies met with reverses. 
There were two points in the defense of the Teuton allies that 
seemed to afford opportunities for successful attack — one at the 
Dardanelles, the other where Serbia, Austria-Hungary and Bul- 
garia meet. The forcing of the Dardanelles would bring Russia 
into closer touch with her allies, would divide Turkey, and would 
separate a large part of it from Germany and Austria-Hungary. 
Greece and Bulgaria would be impressed by the power of the 
Entente, and the danger of German conquests in the East would 
be lessened. 

The Dardanelles, however, presented another of the numerous 
evidences that prove that Germany for years had been perfecting 
plans for this war. Mighty guns had been placed along the 
shores, and the waters were heavily mined. An attempt in the 
spring to force the strait by the Allied fleet proved costly and 
futile. Australian and New Zealand troops were then landed. 
Scorching heat, scarcity of water, difficulty in transporting sup- 
plies, and the strength of the Turkish positions forced the Allie= 
to abandon the attempt. The troops sailed away, taking all sup- 
plies, just at the opening of 1916. Not only had the Allies lost 
heavily in men and ships, but the effect on Greece and Bulgaria 
was bad. 

As Serbia was suspicious of the neutrality of Bulgaria, she 
had implored the Allies to declare war on Bulgaria, force their 
way through it, and thus cut off Turkey from Austria. Bulgaria 
soon justified these suspicions by joining Austria in an attack on 
Serbia. The brave little state was overwhelmed and the Teu- 
tonic powers were more tightly linked together. An Allied force 

35 



of nearly 1,000,000 was then stationed at Saloniki, partly with the 
hope of freeing Serbia, partly as a warning- to Bulgaria, Turkey, 
and the pro-German King of Greece. 

Two golden opportunities had thus been lost. Russia had 
been roughly handled and Serbia overrun. Bulgaria's alliance 
with the Central Powers, however, was offset by Italy's entrance 
into the war on the side of the Allies. 

IV. 1916 

In this year four great events were favorable to the Allies : 
( 1 ) at Verdun, France added new lustre to her laurels of the 
Marne ; (2) at the Battle of Jutland Reef the German navy was 
defeated in its attempt to gain the high seas ; ( 3 ) a recreated Rus- 
sia avenged on Austria the defeats of 1915 ; (4) Italy advanced 
across the rugged Carso to within thirteen miles of Trieste. 

( 5 ) Germany, however, gained some success in Rumania. 

1. Verdun. In the West there were signs of extensive Ger- 
man preparations during the winter. On Februarv 21, the storm 
broke on a long front before Verdun. After unprecedented artil- 
lery fire the Germans attacked on an eight mile front. The front 
line French trenches were cut off by the German barrage from 
all support and supplies. The French soldiers held on grimly, 
hoping for help. Counter-attacks were launched, which succeeded 
in gaining precious time. Within a fortnight, one railroad and 
40,000 motor trucks carried 200,000 Frenchmen into Verdun. 
The battle raged through March and into April, when it seemed 
to be at an end. But in May it broke out again with a fierce- 
ness that has made historic such names as Le Morthomme and 
Hill 304. Marshal Toffre, the French commander, gave the or- 
der, "They must not pass." The French soldiers, blocking with 
their bodies the way into the fertile lands of Champagne, re- 
sponded, "They shall not pass." They did not pass. More than 
that, when the Battle of the Somme, July 1, 1916, relieved the 
pressure on Verdun, the French gradually resumed the offensive. 
On October 24, they recaptured in seven hours, all that the Ger- 
mans had been able to gain in months. The much advertised 
drive had failed, with a cost to Germany of at least one half 
million men. "Verdun was the grave to Germany's claim to 
military invincibility." The hillsides, torn and scarred with shells, 
show that the Prussian has been there, but the flag that floats 
triumphantly above is the tricolor of France. 

2. The Battle of Jutland Reef. For nearly two years the 
British Grand Fleet had been waiting for the German Navy to 
fight in the open, but had met them only in skirmish encounters. 
In the first of these, at Helgoland, an English fleet of fast 
cruisers gained a victory over German light cruisers. 

36 



On May 31, 1916, came the nearest approach to a real test 
of the two fleets that the war has offered. At a point in the 
North Sea, rather nearer the German coast than the English 
coast, the vanguards of the two fleets met. The English Ad- 
miral, Beatty, at once engaged, endeavoring, with his swift but 
lightly-armored battle cruisers, to hold the German fleet until the 
main British fleet could come up. lie paid the price of three 
great ships lost, with only 28 survivors out of 3,000 men ; but 
it gave the dreadnaughts time to arrive on the scene. The losses 
on both sides were about equal, but the actual result was a British 
victory. The morning" of June 1, found the British fleet patrol- 
ling the battle area with no Germans in sight. The German 
"High Seas Fleet" has not since appeared to dispute the control 
of the North Sea. 

One striking fact connected with these naval battles is a sig- 
nificant indication of the views on humanity in warfare held by 
our enemies and our Allies ; the Germans saved no drowning 
British ; the latter saved every German sailor that could be 
reached in time. The Germans also made sporadic raids on 
unfortified coast towns, in which they hilled many defenceless 
inhabitants. 

Since this battle, practically no German merchant ship has 
appeared on the ocean except two cargo submarines, and no Ger- 
man fleet has remained at sea for more than 48 hours. 

3. Russian victories over Austria and Turkey. During the 
summer, Brusiloff crushed the Austrian armies, capturing over 
350,000 prisoners, and re-entering Galicia. The armies of the 
Grand Duke Nicholas entered Erzerum and Trebizond in Asiatic 
Turkey, threatening, with British cooperation in Mesopotamia, 
to put Turkey out of the war. 

4. Italian Advarce. Italy had been in serious peril in May 
and June from an Austrian drive through the Trentino. Brusil- 
off's great attack on 
Austria forced her to 
withdraw some of her 
troops from the Italian 
frontier. As a result, 
the Italians stormed the 
heights of Gorizia and 
with dogged bravery 
drove the enemy east- 
ward across the Carso 
plateau. They estab- 
ished their lines well on 
the way to Trieste with 
an alternative possibility 
of a drive on Vienna by 
way of Laibach. 



A us r 



^/ 



OF* 




ITA 1_Y 




ITALI4ri &ATTLE FROrtT 



38 



:.::-:,-.s.?,;- : ;:-:.v : :.:-;.v;- -■.■:■■.:;,:;■;:■:•■■■ : : : ! :-.... .-..- ■:. ■■■■;,;,■■. 





Drawn by C. B. Falls 

One of the miracles of which art is mistress appears in this striking 
poster. It shows only the head of a single marine, and yet through the 
vigorous lines and the forward thrust rifle, gives the sense of the charg- 
ing column which has scrambled out of the trenches, and is going forward 
to capture another laurel to add to the many already won by our gallant 
sea soldiers. 



39 



5. Rumania entered into the war on the side of the Allies. 
The Germans needed sorely at this time the prestige of a vic- 
tory somewhere, and they needed Rumanian oil, wheat, and cop- 
per. Consequently they attacked Rumania. As the Rumanians 
could not be aided, their country was overrun, but the bulk of 
their army got away safely, placed themselves by the side of the 
Russians and continued the fight until the collapse of Russia in 
1917. 

V. 1917 

The party of von Tirpitz, the German Admiral, despairing of 
a victory by lawful warfare on the sea, secured the adoption of 
the policy of unrestricted submarine warfare. At first, the cam- 
paign promised well for the advocates of "Frightfulness." A 
greater tonnage was sunk in the first six months of this sub- 
marine warfare, that is, from February 1, 1917, than in the pre- 
ceding two and one-half years. But effective measures were 
soon taken by the Allies. By placing guns on vessels, by con- 
voying transports and merchant vessels, by relentlessly hunting 
the submarines with destroyers, airplanes and seaplanes, the 
losses of merchant vessels have decreased, and the number of 
submarines destroyed has increased. At the same time the con- 
struction of new vessels has been greatly increased. 

Germany has paid heavy penalties for this gross violation of 
the rules of international law and the dictates of common hu- 
manity, in the alienation of the sympathies of all civilized peo- 
ples. The United States declared war on Germany April 6, 1917, 
and on Austria, December y.< Brazil and China followed her 
example, and Bolivia, Peru. Uruguay and Ecuador severed dip- 
lomatic relations with the Central Powers. In June Greece de 
posed her pro-German king and entered the Allied ranks. In 
all, seventeen more nations became involved in the war and joined 
the Allies during the year. 

On the West Front, Germany, partly in an effort to conserve 
her strength and partly as a result of pressure, retreated, inflict- 
ing wanton destruction on the lands vacated. In the ebb and 
flow of battle during the rest of the year the Allies secured valu- 
able high ground. 

In the East, two events of actual as well as of sentimental 
value occurred — the capture of Bagdad and of Jerusalem, the 
Holy City. These places are on opposite sides of the Arabian 
desert and on the roads that meet at the southern entrance to 
Asiatic Turkey. In other words, they are situated along the 
prongs of a fork ; between the prongs of the fork lies the desert. 
The handle of the fork points to Constantinople and the heart of 
the Ottoman power. Along the eastern prong the British, un- 
der General Maude, worked their way to Bagdad, March 11. and 
proceeded northward. Another British force, starting from 

41 



Egypt, steadily fought its way along the western route. On 
December 9, General Allenby delivered Jerusalem from the Turks 
after 673 years of Mohammedan rule. When these two converg- 
ing forces meet, the "Unspeakable Turk" will face a reckoning 
for the brutal massacres of the Armenians. 

The year did not end well for Russia and Italy. In Russia, 
a revolt broke out against the pro-German court and the Czar. 
The Czar was removed to make way for a provisional govern- 
ment. Kerensky tried to establish a stable government, but 
failed on account of the opposition of the extremists, Lenine and 
Trotsky. When these men attained power, they betrayed their 
country into the hands of Germany. German agents, posing as 
revolutionists, misled the credulous ; the ignorant masses, drunk 
with their new liberty, cast aside all discipline and order ; the 
conservatives, threatened by the Bolsheviki with loss of their 
lands, rose in unsuccessful revolt. The new leaders decided to 
make peace with the Central Powers. In December they not 
only agreed to an armistice, but compelled the still active Ru- 
manians to do likewise. Their armies at the front were de- 
mobilized and negotiations for peace were initiated. With the 
aid of the Russian leaders, Germany inflicted a shameful peace 
on defenceless Russia by the treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Stripped 
of all disguises, it robbed Russia of Lithuania, Poland, Courland. 
Livonia, and Esthonia. Finland. Bessarabia, and the Ukraine 
seceded. Germany also "absorbed" two of the Russian fleets and 
made the Baltic Sea into practically a German lake. An im- 
mense indemnity was levied and Russia became an economic vas- 
sal of Germany. Those were dark days for the Russians, (July, 
1918), but the wonderful recuperative powers shown in the past 
may serve them again. 

Events in Italy again linked themselves with Russian affairs. 
Austrian troops released from Russia attacked the advance 
Italian positions from October to December, 191 7. The vio- 
lence of the attack, due to great force of men and metal, the 
difficulty of getting supplies, and an insidious propaganda broke 
the resistance of the Italians. They retreated with great loss to 
the line of Brenta and the Piave, where they made a stubborn 
and successful stand against the further advance of the Aus- 
trians. 

The demoralization in Russia and the reverses in Italy 
teach many important lessons as to the danger of insidious pro- 
German propaganda and of insincere and hypocritical offers of 
peace. We should appreciate the necessity of supporting our 
chosen leaders and of putting our trust only in loyal and patri otic 
citizens. <i > ^s^ 51 

VI. 1918 

The Central Powers saw the United States rising against 
them with a potential strength greater than that of any other 

42 



nation. The military leaders decided to postpone the further 
exploitation of Russia in the presence of this great peril. They 
saw that France, Italy, England, and the United States would 
present a combination well-nigh irresistible. So they deter- 
mined to strike in the West, in the hope of destroying either the 
British or the French armies, or both. 

Accordingly, in the spring the Germans launched a series of 
desperate attacks on the West Front and gained seme success. 
Germany was, as at Verdun, prodigal of life. The Allies re- 
sisted — with Americans on the "firing line" — superior numbers 
with heroic tenacity, and exacted a heavy price for every ad- 
vance. Fi July and August, the Allied armies, assuming the of- 
fensive under the leadership of Marshal Foch, gained many im- 
portant victories along the entire West Front. Hundreds of 
thousands of Germans and Austrians were killed, wounded or 
taken prisoners. Huge quantities of munitions and other equip- 
ment were captured. 

Fed by General Pershing the United States troops were vic- 
torious in many terrific engagements, notably Belleau Wood, 
Vaux, and Chateau-Thierry. In the first independent American 
offensive, the famous St. Mihiel salient which had been held by 
the Germans for four years, was cleared of the enemy in twenty- 
seven hours. 

By September, the German armies had been driven back to, 
and, in some places, beyond the positions they had occupied in 
1915, and the great Allied offensive had extended to Palestine, 
Serbia, and the eastern part of Russia. 

In June and July the Italians achieved several brilliant suc- 
cesses over the Austrians on the Italian front and drove the in- 
vaders back across the Piave.i Farge numbers of Italian soldiers 
were also sent to France to help hold the long line from Switzer- 
land to the sea. 

America is giving a whole-souled response to the call for 
action. Our war-worn Allies have with unanimous voice wel- 
comed the coming of the great Republic into the war. The dan- 
ger at present is great, but the genius, the wealth, the moral and 
the physical strength of America are moving in just one direc- 
tion to-day — toward the battle for Freedom, Democracy, and 
Justice — "Over There !" 



43 



CHAPTER IV. 

GERMAN ATROCITIES AND VIOLATIONS OE 
INTERNATIONAL LAW 

"Germany does not really wage war. She assassinates, 
massacres, poisons, tortures, intrigues ; she commits every 
crime in the calendar, such as arson, pillage, murder, and 
rape ; she is guilty of almost every possible violation of in- 
ternational law and of humanity — and calls it war." 1 

This chapter gives specific instances in support of this ter- 
rible accusation against Germany. 

I. International Law and Arbitration 

International law has been defined as "that body of principles, 
rules and customs which are binding upon the members of the 
International Community of States in their relations with one an- 
other or with the nationals of other states." This law consists 
of international treaties, treaties declaring the existence of laws 
or principles already in practice, decisions of judicial tribunals 
such as courts of arbitration, opinions of jurists, etc. 

As early as 1793 the United States became the champion of 
neutral rights and duties, President Washington standing firmly 
for them at the opening of hostilities between the English and 
French. 

The United States was also one of the first to espouse the 
cause of international arbitration. Jay's treaty with Great 
Britain, 1794, provided for reference of several matters under 
dispute to arbitration. In 1872 the arbitration of our Alabama 
claims with Great Britain gave great encouragement to this 
method of settling international disputes. Before the outbreak 
of the present war, thirty peace treaties had been signed by the 
United States with different nations providing that "all disputes 
of every nature whatsoever, shall, when diplomatic methods of 
adjustment have failed, be referred for investigation and report 
to a permanent international commission" ; and agreeing "not 
to declare war or begin hostilities during such investigation and 
before the report is submitted." 

Germany refused to sign such a treaty with us. 

While the United States has accomplished much for humanity, 
by encouraging arbitration and advocating peace, Germany by 
her militaristic policy has grown at the expense of her neigh- 
bors as well as at the expense of her own national honor. In 
the early part of the nineteenth century her great war leader 
and teacher was von Clausewitz, who elaborated the policies ad- 

44 



vocated in the notorious "Prince" of Macchiavelli. He main- 
tained that small states were weak and worthless ; that war must 
not be restricted ; that humanitarian principles had no place in 
armed state conflicts ; that errors which spring from benevolence 
and generosity are the worst errors ; that a true soldier should 
pay no attention to the blood he sheds or the misery or suffering 
he causes. Bernhardi reflects the spirit of the later days in 
Germany more nearly than any other writer in his "Germany 
and the Next War." He asserts that small states are weak, 
worthless and to be condemned. He claims war is a biological 
necessity and that it leads to a survival of the fittest. He attacks 
arbitration treaties as particularly detrimental to an ambitious 
state. He declares that anything that interferes with the de- 
velopment gained through brute force is wrong. To him, might 
is right. Nowhere does he express a feeling for humanity or 
a sense of honor — he recognizes nothing but material gain. 

In 1899, the Russian Czar issued a call for a convention at 
the Hague to try to agree upon the maintenance of a general 
peace so that the large standing armies and the heavy expen- 
ditures for taxation might be rendered unnecessary. This was 
the First Hague Peace Conference. The members of it declared 
against the use of asphyxiating gases and of dum-dum bullets. 

The Second Hague Conference held in 1907, made many 
regulations to mitigate the horrors of war. Among these are 
the following: 

1. The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. 

2. Pillage is formally forbidden. 

3. Private property cannot be confiscated. 

4. It is especially forbidden ... to destroy or seize the 
enemy's property unless . . . imperatively demanded by the 
necessities of war. 

5. All seizure of, destruction of, or willful damage to his- 
toric monuments, works of art or science, is forbidden. 

6. Money contributions in occupied territory shall only be 
for the necessities of the army or of the administration of such 
territory. 

7. No general penalty ■ • • shall be inflicted upon the 
population on account of the acts of individuals, etc. 

8. Bombardment by whatever means, of towns, villages, 
dwellings, or buildings which are undefended, is prohibited. 

9. Vessels used exclusively in fishing along the coast 
. . are exempt from capture. 

10. Military hospital ships . . . shall be respected and 
cannot be captured. 

45 



11. Prisoners of war must be humanely treated. 

12. It is especially forbidden ... to declare that no 
quarter be given. 

13. It is especially forbidden ... to employ arms, pro- 
jectiles, or materials calculated to cause unnecessary suffering. 

14. It is especially forbidden to employ poison or poisoned 
weapons. 

15. Family honor and rights . . . must be respected. 

16. It is especially forbidden to kill or wound treacherously 
individuals belonging to the hostile nation or army. 

17. In sieges and bombardments, all necessary steps must 
be taken to spare as far as possible, buildings dedicated to re- 
ligion, art, science, or charitable purposes, historic monuments, 
hospitals and places where the sick and wounded are collected, 
provided they are not being used at the time for military purposes. 

The Geneva Convention, 1906, agreed that "movable sanitary 
formations and the fixed establishments belonging to the sanitary 
service shall be respected and protected by the belligerents." 
II. Isolations by Germany 

Germany agreed to all the regulations of the Hague Confer- 
ence mentioned above and to respect the Red Cross emblem. 

Has she kept her promise ? 

Official proclamations of German officers, official docu- 
ments, letters and diaries of Allied and German soldiers, ex- 
tracts from German newspapers, sworn accounts of eye-wit- 
nesses, etc., give indisputable proof that Germany not only 
broke every promise made, but deliberately organized and 
carried out a systematic and scientific campaign of destruc- 
tion, plunder, and murder. The Germans themselves call it 
"Schrecklichkeit" — "Frightfulness." 

Among the most serious atrocities and violations of inter- 
national law committed by Germany are the following : 

(a) Large numbers of the civilian population have been de- 
liberately and systematically massacred, as a means of preventing 
and punishing resistance. Individual citizens have been mur- 
dered, women abused and children brutally slain, often with muti- 
lation and torture. At Louvain, a crowd of from six to eight 
thousand men, women and children were confined in a riding 
school. The place was so small that they lr d to remain stand- 
ing. Many lost their reason. At Kalic.. two hundred Polish 
civilians were forced to lie down in the dust during the heat of 
a noon-day sun for two hours. They then were forced to pay 
the Germans 20.000 roubles. 

46 



(b) Whole villages have been looted and destroyed. Houses 
have been burned and property wantonly destroyed. Often 
this was ordered by German officers. Provision for systematic 
incendiarism is a part of German military preparation ; one 
method used by them is to pour petrol on buildings and set them 
on fire by hand grenades. The Belgian government has issued 
a map showing 43,000 estates destroyed by the Germans. 

(c) Excessive taxes, amounting to $1,200,000 a month and 
heavy fines have been levied upon Belgian cities and provinces. 
Belgium has been robbed of its industrial and agricultural ma- 
chinery and of large stocks of foodstuffs and raw materials. All 
these were sent to Germany or converted to the use of the Ger- 
man army as part of a plan for the economic destruction of 
Belgium. 

(d) Tens of thousands of Belgians and other civilians have 
been forcibly deported to Germany. The men have been forced 
to serve practically as slaves in German industries, or in digging 
trenches, or in making ammunition ; the women have often been 
reduced to worse than slavery. 

(e) During Hiftdenburg's "strategic retreat," March, 1917, 
parts of Northern France were fearfully devastated. Villages, 
homesteads, vineyards and fruit trees were systematically de- 
stroyed. Springs and wells were poisoned, and the ground made 
unfit for agricultural purposes. 

(f) Historic works of art have been wantonly destroyed. 
Many beautiful cathedrals, which have been venerated by the 
whole world since the Middle Ages, have fallen before the Ger- 
man hate. At Rheims, the famous old basilica has become a 
heap of ruins. At Ypres, the medieval cloth hall was intention- 
ally demolished. At Louvain, the cathedral as well as the won 
derful library with its priceless manuscripts was burned. 

(g) Poison gas and liquid fire were first used in this war 
by the Germans. Flame projectors were sent forward with en- 
gineers trained specially to operate them. The German govern- 
ment relied on this particularly for street fighting although it 
has also been used in the trenches. Asphyxiating gases were 
sent out by the Germans from steel cylinders placed at intervals 
of twenty to thirty yards along the trenches through tubes reach- 
ing out toward the Allied lines. Another method of sending 
this gas is by shooting bombs containing the deadly gases or 
volatile liquids. 

The Allies were forced to use these horrible methods of war- 
fare in retaliation. 

(h) Undefended towns have been attacked by Zeppelins, 
airplanes, and warships, and hundreds of civilians — men, women 
and children — have been murdered. 

47 



The Allies, anxious to observe international law, endured 
these raids throughout the early years of the. war with great 
fortitude, but finally the bombing of German towns and cities 
was inaugurated as acts in reprisal. 

(i) Hospitals have been attacked so often that the authori- 
ties have found it necessary to remove the Red Cross emblems 
from them. Hospital ships have been sunk without warning. In 
these attacks many hundreds of helpless wounded soldiers, nurses, 
and doctors have been killed. 

(j) A particularly cowardly action has been the use of civil- 
ians, including women and children, by the Germans, as a screen 
for their forces. 

(k) Tbe Red Cross flag and the flag of truce have been 
abused. Instances are on record in which the Germans attacked 
and murdered soldiers and civilians who had raised the white 
flag. Germans have carried a white flag before assaulting columns 
of their soldiers. German soldiers, while heavily armed, have 
worn Red Cross badges on their sleeves, and they have placed 
the Red Cross emblem on wagons for transporting army supplies 
and even on motor cars carrying mounted machine guns. 

(1) On many occasions wounded and prisoners have been 
killed by German soldiers acting under orders from their officers. 

"After to-day no more prisoners will be taken. All prisoners 
are to be killed. Wounded, with or without arms, are to be 
killed. Even prisoners alreadv grouped in convoys are to be 
killed. Let not a single living enemy remain behind us." 2 

(m) British and Russian prisoners have been inhumanly 
treated. On tbe other hand, the British treatment of German 
prisoners has been humane and according- to international usage. 

(n) The ruthless unrestricted submarine warfare which is 
spoken of in other chapters, is a merciless violation of the dic- 
tates of humanity. When Germany first gave notice of her in- 
tention to adopt it, the civilized world was loath to believe that 
any country would sink to such a state of barbarity. 

(o) The Armenian nation has been practically exterminated 
by the Turks, evidently with German sanction. The atrocities 
committed by Germany's ally, the Turks, are too horrible for 
description here. 

"Out of convoys which, when they left their homes in the 
Armenian plateau, numbered from two to three thousand men, 
women, and children, only two or three hundred survivors ar- 
rived in the south. The men were slaughtered on the way; the 
women and girls were abused and carried away to Turkish and 
Kurdish villages where they have had to accept Islam. They 
tried to destroy the remnants of the convoys by hunger and thirst. 

48 




If 



The Comforter 



Drawn by Gordon Grant 

This picture serves to widen the point of view of the observer, who 
thinks as a rule of the Red Cross nurse only as aiding the wounded sol- 
dier. Here she is shown as helping the stricken mother amid the ruins 
of her home. Nearby an ambulance stands to bear her away to safety. 
It is an appeal made in the simplest fashion that one may unconsciously 
realize that the Red Cross is service given to all who suffer. 



49 



Even when they are fording- rivers they do not allow those dying 
of thirst to drink. All the nourishment they receive is a daily 
ration of a little meal sprinkled over their hands which they lick 
off greedily, and the only effect is to prolong their starvation." 3 

(p) Germany's practice of laying mines indiscriminately is 
a flagrant violation of international law. The Hague recognized 
two types of mines: (i) those which are anchored and controlled 
by a keyboard from a central station ; these are expensive and 
impossible to place far from shore; (2) the contact mine which 
is cheap and easily laid. The conference tried to keep the sea 
free from the dangerous contact mines by forbidding the laying 
of them "except when they are so constructed as to become 
harmless one hour at most after the person who laid them ceases 
to control them." But Germany soon filled the North Sea with 
mines which did not become ineffective, and which were laid 
along the regular trade routes, so that neutrals as well as bellig- 
erents were in the gravest danger. Danish, Swedish, and Nor- 
wegian boats, as well as those of Great Britain, were destroyed, 
and hundreds of fishermen were drowned. 

(q) All the world was struck with horror when it learned 
of the death of Edith Cavell, an English nurse who had aided 
in the restoration to life and health of wounded Germans as well 
as the wounded of the Allies. Tried in secret on a charge of aid- 
ing in the escape or British, Belgian, and French soldiers, she 
paid the extreme penalty with wonderful fortitude and bravery. 
The secrecy of her trial, the inability of the United States minis- 
ter who was acting on behalf of Great Britain to obtain any in- 
formation concerning it, and her execution nine hours after her 
condemnation, all stand out as part of the German policy of ruth- 
lessness, vindictiveness and cruelty. 

(r) Another shocking crime is the condemnation and execu- 
tion of Captain Charles A. Fryatt. Just after the German block- 
ade of the English waters, Captain Fryatt sighted an undersea 
craft and by great speed managed to get away. Later, meeting 
another submarine which was swifter than his own vessel, he 
feared that he could not escape and consequently tried to ram 
the submarine. After the contact the submarine had a slight 
list, and Captain Fryatt managed to escape. A year later he 
met a flotilla of German torpedo boats, and was captured. He 
was taken to Bruges, court-martialed on the charge that although 
he was a non-combatant, he had rammed a German submarine. 
No better illustration of the duplicity and hypocrisy of the Ger- 
mans need be cited than this. If Captain Fryatt had not rammed 
the German submarine he and his crew would have been mur- 
dered. Since he did protect himself and his crew, he was tried 
in secret and shot, in spite of the fact that his conduct was in 
accordance with international law. 

51 



(s) Another serious charge against the morality and ethics 
of the German government is its spy and propaganda system. A 
spy system in the enemy's country in time of war may he sanc- 
tioned, but no defense can be offered for the maintenance of such 
a system in times of peace and, even during war, in a neutral 
country. Germany has violated the honor of her ambassadors 
by using them as active agents in her nefarious practices. Disease 
germs with directions for using them were discovered in the 
property of the German legation in Rumania when the minister 
withdrew. The German ambassador to Argentina made the rec- 
ommendation that Argentine vessels be sunk so as to leave no 
trace. "Spurlos Versenkt" will cling to Germany as persistently 
as the "scrap of paper" and the term "Hun." While the United 
States was still neutral, von Bernstorff, the German ambassador, 
asked his government for sums of money to bribe our Congress- 
men and to start strikes in munition factories. Passports were ob- 
tained fraudulently from the United States on which German 
agents worked in English munition factories. German agents, 
German newspapers, and German propagandists were actively en- 
gaged in our midst while we were still at peace with Germany. 
German consuls have aided in propaganda work and in the coal- 
ing of German vessels lying outside of our harbors. Secret agents 
were convicted of conspiring in this country to blow up rail- 
roads, tunnels, bridges, and canals, as well as to w r reck vessels. 
Hie greatest act of perfidy was the Zimmerman note, which was 
sent while the United States was still neutral. 

Guizot, in his "History of Civilization," gives three tests 
for culture. The first is reverence for pledges ; the second is 
reverence for art, painting, sculpture ; the third is sympathy 
with the poor, weak and unfortunate. This is the Allies' idea 
of culture. Germany's ideals are stated by one of their own 
writers in these words: "Must Kultur rear its domes over 
mountains of corpses, oceans of tears, and the death rattle of 
the conquered? Yes, it must. . . . The might of the con- 
queror is the highest law before which the conquered must 
bow." 4 In further contrast to that are the words of President 
Wilson: "Civilization does not rest upon war. It rests upon 
peace — upon those things which men achieve by co-operation 
and mutual interest." 

(1) Prof. A. S. Hershey. Quoted in Harding's "The Study of 
the Great War." p. 22. 

(2) Order given Aug. 26, 1914, by General Stanger, of the 58th 
German Brigade ; testified to by numerous German prisoners. Quoted 
in Harding's "The Study of the Great War." p. 24. 

(3) Dr. Martin Niepage. "The Horrors of Aleppo Seen by a 
German Eye-witness." Quoted in Harding's "The Study of the Great 
War." p." 25. 

(4) Karl O. Kuhn. Quoted in "Conquest and Kultur." p. 35. » 
Committee on Public Information, January, 1918. § 



52 




DriJlt h-) Alh:rt S'.trnt 

In this beautiful drawing there appears one of the most moving 
posters of the war. On one side stands Liberty, her hand grasping her 
unsheathed sword, while with level glance and earnest word, she speaks 
to young America in the navy, typified in one stalwart figure that holds 
aloft the flag and looks across the seas bridged by transports, to where 
his brothers in khaki serve "Over There." 



53 



CHAPTER V. 
WHY THE UNITED STATES ENTERED THE WAR 

To explain briefly why the people of the United States were 
in favor of a policy of neutrality in August, 1914, and then to 
trace their development into a state of active belligerency on the 
side of the Allies in April, 1917, is the purpose of this chapter. 

The Germans invaded Belgium August 4, 1914; that same 
day our official proclamation of neutrality was issued. Two weeks 
later President Wilson sent an appeal to the American people in 
which he said : "Every man who really loves America will act 
and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of 
impartiality and fairness and friendliness to all concerned." The 
following month, Ex- President Roosevelt wrote in a magazine 
article: "It is certainly desirable that we should remain entirely 
neutral, and nothing but urgent need would warrant breaking our 
neutrality and taking sides one way or the other." The country 
as a whole agreed with them. 

There are several reasons why we took a position of neu- 
trality. In the first place, the American people had lived isolated 
from European politics and knew comparatively little about them. 
When the storm broke, we were so astonished that the average 
man found difficulty in understanding its fundamental causes. 
Then, too, one-third of our population is either foreign-born or 
of foreign parentage. These immigrants represented both sides 
in the great controversy and passionate feelings born of racial 
kinship and family ties naturally operated to prevent our taking 
sides as a unit with either the Allies or their opponents. But 
other and more idealistic causes were also effective. We loved 
peace and had taken a prominent part in movements that had 
for their object a permanent peace of the world founded on jus- 
tice. We had been ably represented at both the Hague Con- 
ferences, the second of which was called at the suggestion of 
President Roosevelt. We had done more than any other nation 
to further the settlement of international disputes by arbitration, 
having brought to the Hague Tribunal its first case and having 
just completed arbitration treaties with nearly all the leading 
nations of the world. As early as August 5, 1914, President Wil- 
son informed the countries at war that he would welcome an 
opportunity to act in the interest of European peace. Until the 
acts of Germany had convinced us absolutely that no other hon- 
orable course lay open to us than to enter the war, our govern- 
ment neglected no opportunity to attempt to bring about a just 
peace in Europe. It was our fervent hope that we might be suc- 

55 



cessful in this endeavor or that, at least, as expressing the judg- 
ment of neutral nations, we might persuade the Central Powers 
to observe the rules of international law. 

But all our efforts had to be abandoned and we were forced. 
ultimately, to come to the conclusion, as a nation, that our duty 
lay in active participation in the war on the side of the Allies. 

The first controversies between our country and Germany 
arose over the question of the right of a neutral nation to supply 
ammunition to a belligerent. They were due to the fact that 
early in the war the Allies were contracting for supplies of muni- 
tions from American firms. International law on this point is 
perfectly clear. It is not a violation of neutrality for a neutral 
government to allow its citizens to manufacture munitions for 
countries at war. In fact, that has been the general practice for 
many years. German firms supplied munitions in the Boer war, 
the Russo-Japanese war, and the Balkan wars. American firms 
were ready to supply Germany as well as the Allies, but Great 
Britain's control of the sea made it impossible for Germany to 
get munitions from us because munitions are considered by in- 
ternational law contraband of war and are subject to seizure. 
We pointed out that we could not prohibit the exportation of 
munitions, once the war had started, because such a prohibition 
would injure one of the contending sides and would be an un- 
neutral act on our part. Nor could we subscribe to a general 
policy of prohibiting a neutral nation from selling ammunition 
to a belligerent. We are a peace-loving nation and do not believe 
in the policy of laying up large stores of ammunition, and if we 
were not allowed to buy ammunition from other countries we 
would be at the mercy of any nation that had made secret prep- 
arations and attacked us. It is obvious, too, that the policy which 
Germany tried to make us adopt would always redound to the 
advantage of a nation which had prepared for war and to the 
disadvantage of a nation which had not made extensive prepara- 
tions. 

Realizing, therefore, that she could not hope to induce our 
Government to adopt an unneutral policy in her favor concern- 
ing munitions, Germany began a campaign of violence against 
our manufacturing plants by fomenting strikes, encouraging sab- 
otage, and destroying or damaging buildings by incendiary fires. 
Our Government gradually obtained evidence against many of the 
German agents who were responsible for these crimes. The evi- 
dence implicated the German military and naval representatives 
in this country, to such an extent as to lead to their forced re- 
call. Ambassador Dumba, the chief representative here of Ger- 
many's main ally, Austria-Hungary, was also found to have as- 
sisted in attempts to cripple munition factories. In September, 
191 5, the evidence against him was so complete that our Govern- 
ment was obliged to ask for his recall. We were driven to the 

56 



conclusion that Germany was willing to use force against a 
neutral country to secure a result to which she had no right in 
international law. 

The controversy about munitions, however, soon yielded in 
importance to grave questions about the safety of American citi- 
zens on the high seas. In the Napoleonic wars of the early 
nineteenth century we had experienced great difficulty in defend- 
ing our rights as neutrals ; it became evident shortly after the 
opening of this war that we should again face the same prob- 
lem. Great Britain controlled the sea and naturally wished to 
cut off the Central Powers from the outside world. Her prob- 
lem was complicated by the fact that Germany not only had di- 
rect access to the sea, but also had indirect access through Hol- 
land and other neutral countries. To achieve her object, there- 
fore, England was under the necessity of controlling the flow of 
contraband goods through these neutral countries to Germany. 
Her attempts to do this led to a sharp difference of opinion with 
our Government as to how far she was interfering with property 
rights guaranteed by international law. That controversy was 
still unsettled when we entered the war, but it had never become 
acute, partly because we had a treaty with Great Britain pro- 
viding for arbitration, but chiefly because only property rights 
and not American lives were involved. Complete reparation for 
the wrong, therefore, if wrong had been done, was possible either 
during or after the war. 

With Germany, however, a far more serious controversy soon 
developed. With her we had no treaty of arbitration because 
she had refused to sign one. By the beginning of 1 9 T 5 the 
Germans, realizing that their fleet was no match for the British 
fleet and angered by the increasing effectiveness of the blockade 
against them, resolved to use submarines in retaliation, on com- 
merce to and from Great Britain. On February 4, 1915, they 
proclaimed the waters around the British Isles to be a "war 
zone" in which, after February 18, enemy merchant vessels would 
be destroyed at sight. Neutral vessels were warned not to en- 
ter the zone because it would "not always be possible to prevent 
a neutral vessel from becoming the victim of an attack intended 
to be directed against a vessel of the enemy." 

The neutral world was astonished at this open threat to vio- 
late the rules of international law. For many years these rules 
had provided that, while ships might be sunk at sea, under cer- 
tain circumstances, provision must always be made for the safety 
of the non-combatants on board, whether a ship was an enemy 
merchant vessel or a neutral merchant vessel. Germany not 
only proposed to break these humane laws so far as her enemies 
were concerned, but also as far as neutral nations were con- 
cerned. We at once sent a note of protest to Germany inform- 
ing her that we would hold her to "strict accountability" if her 
submarine commanders were responsible for the destruction on 

57 



the high seas of American vessels or the lives of American citi- 
zens, whether on neutral or enemy vessels. Germany replied on 
February 16, disclaiming all responsibility for "accidents" in the 
war zone. In fact one of the first vessels torpedoed was an oil 
steamer, the Gttl flight, which flew the American flag. 

The British steamer Falaba was sunk by a German submarine 
on March 25, 191 5. Only ten minutes were given passengers 
and crew to take to the boats. One hundred and eleven men and 
women were drowned. Among them was Leon C. Thresher, who 
was the first American to lose his life as a result of this violation 
of the rules of civilized warfare. On May 7, 1915, however, the 
crowning horror of this barbarous disregard of all humane con- 
siderations came with the sinking, without warning, of the great 
Cunard liner Lusitania with 1,918 persons on board. The great 
vessel sank in twenty-one minutes, carrying to death 1,154 men, 
women and children, of whom 114 were Americans. As our 
Government said in its note of June 9 : "A great steamer, pri- 
marily and chiefly a conveyance for passengers, and carrying 
more than a thousand souls who had no part or lot in the con- 
duct of the war, was sunk without so much as a challenge or a 
warning, and men, women and children were sent to their death 
in circumstances unparalleled in modern warfare." 

In our note to Germany of July 21, 191 5, we informed her 
that repetition of similar acts must be regarded by the United 
States, when affecting American citizens, as "deliberately un- 
friendly." The last two words mean a great deal in the lan- 
guage of diplomacy, and Germany evidently became afraid that 
she might lose the friendship of the United States. Accordingly, 
she issued instructions to her submarine commanders not to sink 
liners without warning, and after the Arabic had been sunk with- 
out warning, in August, 191 5, she made an official disavowal and 
apology. Although she has never made any admission of wrong- 
doing in the case of the Lusitania, she gave a pledge through 
her ambassador that liners would not be sunk by German sub- 
marines without warning and without provision being made for 
the safety of the lives of non-combatants. She had evidently 
reached the point where she felt somewhat the universal con- 
demnation of the neutral world of her inhuman practices. 

This pledge was kept until the following March, 1916, when 
the sinking of the Channel steamer Sussex without warning and 
with a loss of eighty persons, two of them Americans, revived 
the whole issue. Upon our threat, April 18, 1916, to sever dip- 
lomatic relations unless the objectionable methods of submarine 
warfare were abandoned, the German government gave us this 
formal assurance : "In accordance with the general principles 
of visit and search and destruction of merchant vessels recog- 
nized by international law, such vessels, both within and without 
the area declared a naval war zone, shall not be sunk without 
warning and without saving human lives, unless these ships at- 

58 




ANOTHER SHIP — 
ANOTHER VICTORY 



UNITED STATES SHIPPING BOARD 



EMERGENCY FLEET CO 



Drawn by George \cGill 

Every day sees a ship launched in some one of our many new ship- 
yards. Here is a shipyard worker who has climbed to the top of a mast 
to cheer as another ship glides from the ways into the water. We have 
a mighty army of ship builders who must be encouraged to give their 
last ounce of strength in the great light. They are as essential as soldiers 
and sailors. 



59 



tempt to escape or offer resistance." In view of this definite 
assurance, a return by Germany to her inhuman violations of 
international law on the high seas seemed no longer probable. 

In the second half of 1916, however, the fortunes of war 
were going against Germany, in spite of the fact that she had 
crushed Rumania. The feeling grew in Germany that any 
method must be adopted that promised victory, whether or not 
it violated international law, solemn pledges, or humane con- 
siderations of any kind. "When the most ruthless methods,'' 
said the German chancellor, "are considered best calculated to 
lead us to victory, and swift victory, they must be employed/* 
Many new submarines had been built and the German authorities 
now felt that Great Britain could be forced to agree to their terms 
if ruthless submarine warfare were employed against all ships 
going to and from England. They recognized that a breaking 
of their pledge to the United States might possibly result in our 
entering the war against them, but they felt that the submarine, 
if used without regard to any dictates of humanity, would end 
the war before we could get ready to fight. 

Accordingly, on January 31, 1917, the German ambassador 
at Washington submitted a memorandum from his government 
announcing that, beginning the very next day, neutral and enemy 
ships, found in zones of the high seas surrounding the Allied 
countries would be sunk on sight by submarines. As if to 
show her utter contempt for us, Germany said she would "per- 
mit" us to send ships to England provided we agreed to the fol- 
lowing conditions : 

"(a) The port of destination is Falmouth, (b) Sailing to 
or coming from that port, course to be taken via the Scilly 
Islands and a point 50 N. to 20 W. (c) The steamers art 
marked in the following way, which must not be allowed to other 
vessels in American ports : On ship's hull and superstructure 
three vertical stripes, 1 meter wide, each to be painted alternately 
white and red. Each mast should show a large flag checkered 
white and red and the stern the American national flag. Care 
should be taken that, during dark, national flag and painted 
marks are easily recognizable from a distance, and that the boats 
are well lighted throughout, (d) One steamer a week sails in 
each direction with arrival at Falmouth on Sunday and departure 
from Falmouth on Wednesday, (e) The United States Govern- 
ment guarantees that no contraband (according to German con 
traband list) is carried by those steamers." 

In view of this action there was nothing for us to do but to 
live up to our word and sever relations with Germany. This 
was done by the dismissal of the German ambassador. Count 
von Bernstorff, on February 3, 191 7. 

Events now moved rapidly toward war. On February 28, 
there was made public a note that had come into the hands of 

61 



our Government. It was sent by Dr. Zimmerman, the German 
minister of Foreign Affairs to the German minister in Mexico, 
and was dated January 19, twelve days before we were informed 
of Germany's intention to resume ruthless submarine warfare. 
The note stated that Germany hoped the United States would 
remain neutral but, if not, Germany proposed an alliance with 
Mexico and would give her financial support to "reconquer the 
lost territory in New Mexico, Texas and Arizona." She also 
proposed that Mexico should attempt to induce Japan to join 
this alliance against us. As this note was written at a time when 
we were at peace with Germany, it proved conclusively that she 
felt under no obligation whatever to keep her pledge to us if 
she thought she could gain by disregarding it, and it served to 
convince the American people that the German government 
would stop at nothing in its efforts to win the war. 

On April 2, 1917, the Gongress met in special session at the 
call of President Wilson. He summed up the submarine con- 
troversy in these words : "The present German submarine war- 
fare against commerce is a warfare against all mankind. It is 
a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk, 
American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply 
to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly 
nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the 
same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge 
is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will 
meet it. * * * With a profound sense of the solemn and 
even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave 
responsibilities which it involves but in unhesitating obedience to 
what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress 
declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to 
be in fact nothing less than war against the government ana 
people of the United States ; that it formally accept the status 
of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it ; and that it 
take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thor- 
ough state of defense, but also to exert all its power and employ 
all its resources to bring the government of the German Empire 
to terms and end the war." 

On April 6, 1917, the Congress of the United States made 
the declaration asked for by our President and we were formally 
aligned with the other great progressive governments of the 
world in fighting to obtain for the common people of all lands 
the right to live in peace with their neighbors. 

Although the intrigues against us by Germany and the slaugh> 
ter of over two hundred of our citizens by her inhuman methods 
of fighting had given us ample cause for entering the war, yet 
in reality these were not the principal reasons why we took up 
arms in this greatest conflict of the world's history. These ac- 
tions simply added to the evidence that gradually had convinced 
the American people that Prussian militarism was dominating 

62 



Germany, that for years it had been preparing for this war and 
that it had chosen deliberately its time to strike, that it repre- 
sented in its aims and in its methods a terrible menace to human- 
ity and to the possibility of a just peace in the world, and finally, 
that the time had come when we must abandon our isolation and 
recognize that the world is one great human family, for the 
safety and happiness of which all nations are responsible. As 
the President said in his war message : "The world must be made 
safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested 
foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. 
We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for 
ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall 
freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of 
mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been 
made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can 
make them. * * * There are, it may be, many months of 
fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead 
this great peaceful nation into war, into the most terrible and 
disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the 
balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall 
fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our 
hearts, for democracy, for the right of those who submit to au- 
thority to have a voice in their own government, for the rights 
and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right 
bv such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety 
to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a 
task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that 
we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who 
know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend 
her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth 
and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God 
helping her, she can do no other." 



63 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE UNITED STATES IN THE WORLD WAR 

The frequent modification of the policies of our government 
to meet new situations makes it inadvisable to publish, at this 
time, a syllabus on this topic. The pupils should be taught, how- 
ever, the most important steps which have been taken by our 
country to win the war. New steps and policies should be pre- 
sented from time to time as they are formulated and published. 
The achievements of our forces should be followed from day to 
day. Our pupils should realize the force that America is putting 
forward in all its manifestations and magnitude. Our teaching 
should inspire the pupils with the gigantic part America is plan- 
ning to play, without desire for gain, except the gain resulting 
from the establishment of justice and fair dealing among the 
nations of the world. 

Among the topics that should be included in this treatment 
are : 

I. Our Army: size at the outbreak of war; methods of in- 
creasing it ; difficulties, achievements. 

Our Navy: size at the outbreak of war; methods of in- 
creasing it ; difficulties, achievements. 



3 

4 
5 
6 
7 
8 

9 

10 

ii 

12 
L3 



Aircraft. 

Submarine Warfare. 

Financing the War. 

Soldiers' Recreations and Welfare Work for Soldiers. 

Conservation of Food. 

Ship Building. 

Regulation of Industries. 

Woman's Service. 

Protection and Care of Children. 

Welfare Work for War Workers. 

Economic Resources of the United States ; of England ; ol 
France ; of Italy ; of Russia ; of Germany ; of Austria- 
Hungary, etc. 

Unanimity of the People of the United States in support- 
ing the Government ; Liberty Bonds ; War Savings 
Stamps ; Red Cross, etc. 

64 




Drawn b\) C. Leyendecker 

Thousands of boys have been enrolled in the organization of Boy 
Scouts. Under salutary discipline they have learned order, obedience, 
and cooperation. They have learned, too, the virtue of preparedness. In 
this spirited picture the Boy Scout hands to Liberty the sword which 
bears the watchword he has made his own. 



65 



15- The Geography of the War. 

Outlines for the treatment of some of these topics may be 
found in the Syllabus of the World War for Elementary Schools. 
A few of these outlines follow. 

PREPAREDNESS OF MEN FOR WAR 

Armies may be secured by means of: 

Enlistment or Volunteer Service. 
National Guard or State Militia. 
Regular or Standing Army. 
Universal Military Service. 
Selective Conscription or the Draft. 
I. Enlistment or Volunteer Service. 

1. Definition. 

Enlistments means that the nation obtains its soldiers 
only by accepting men who volunteer to serve. 

2. Irregular and unfair. 

War waged on too large a scale : demand for numbers 

greater than voluntary supply. 
Defense of country the duty of all: unfair to leave it to 

those who accept duty and to permit others to shirk. 
Training begun after war has been declared instead of in 

preparation for war. 

II. National Guard or State Militia. 

1. Definition. 

National Guard consists of those men who, after voluntary 
enlistment, have been organized into regiments and have 
received military training, at the same time continuing 
their regular occupations. 

2. Insufficient in numbers and in extent of training. 

Numbers dependent upon enlistment. 

Task too great for men only partially trained and inex- 
perienced in camp life or actual soldier life. 

111. Regular or Standing Army. 

1. Definition. 

A regular or standing army consists of men who. either 
by enlistment or conscription are kept in training for 
regular and constant military service. 

2. Our regular army inadequate. 

Wars can no longer be fought by comparatively small 
and select bodies of men who make soldiering a pro- 
fession. 

United States no longer safe from attack because of 
isolated geographical position. Modern warfare, with 
airplanes, submarines, and long range guns has practi- 
cally annihilated space. 

67 



3. Objections to a LARGE standing army. 

Maintaining a large standing army in times of peace leads 
to militarism, the supremacy of force, and disregard 
for laws or the rights of others. Founders of our 
government feared militarism as a danger to democracy 
and a temptation to the President to usurp power. Mili- 
tary power should be subordinated to the civil authori- 
ties. A large standing army might make it difficult to 
sustain the civil authority. 

Cost of sustaining a large standing army in times of 
peace adds an unnecessary burden of taxation. 

IV Universal Military Service. 

1. Definition. 

Universal military service is a system which requires 
every able-bodied male citizen to undergo a certain 
amount of training yearly and thus fit himself to fight 
in defense of his country should the occasion arise. 

2. Universal military service a just duty. 

Every citizen of the United States derives many BENE- 
FITS from his citizenship, c. g. : 

(a) To live in peace. 

(b) To carry on his daily business unmolested. 

(c) To choose the administration of the government. 

(d) To travel in other countries under protection 
of American passport. 

Every citizen must perform DUTIES in return for bene- 
fits received, e. g. : 

(a) To obey the laws. 

(b) To exercise the franchise. 

(c) To defend this country from attack. 

3. Universal military service not militarism. 

No separate soldier class created, but a citizen soldiery 
consisting of the entire young manhood of the coun- 
try ; an unlimited reserve to be called upon in extraor- 
dinary times. Such citizen soldiery can be called to 
service only according to the provisions of law and by 
civil authorities. 

4. Universal military service democratic. 

All citizens of every station in life have the same military 
duty to perform. It distributes equally the task of 
preparing to defend the land a citizen calls home. 

5. Universal military service the best preparedness. 

Forces ready when danger threatens. 
Unpreparedness a great advantage to enemy. 
Preparedness often forestalls attack. 

6. Universal military service a benefit to the individual. 

(a) In health. 

(b) In physical development. 

(c) In the formation of good habits. 




D awn by IViJicm A.cKee 

Every one knows the famous picture called "The Spirit of 1776." 
Here is a poster founded on this picture, but instead of drummers and 
fifer, it shows the farmer and his helpers, bearing back to the barns, 
the produce they have labored to grow, that it may help our fighters. 
This is a plea to every one to do an additional bit by keeping a home 
garden going. 

69 



7. Switzerland an illustration of advantages of universal mili- 
tary training. 

A small country, hedged in on all sides by powerful 
nations, yet able to maintain her independence and 
republican ideals by means of her military system. Her 
neutrality respected and her territory unviolated be- 
cause within forty-eight hours after war was declared 
she had her army of 45(1.001) men mobilized on her four 
borders. 



V. The American Plan: Selective Conscription or the Draft. 

1. Definition. 

Selective conscription, commonly called the draft, is a 
plan of selecting by numbers. Men must give up their 
regular occupations and receive military training for 
service in defense of their country. 

2. Reason for the draft. 

(a) Volunteer service insufficient. 

(b) Experience of United States in previous wars has 

shown the volunteer system to be wasteful in 
money and lives. In the Civil War after two 
years of fighting and serious disasters, the gov- 
ernment resorted to a draft plan which resembled 
the foreign compulsory conscription and had an 
added unfair feature in that it permitted a rich 
man to avoid military service by hiring a sub- 
stitute or by paying a fee. 

(c) Distribute; the duty equally among all the states. 

3. Method of American selective conscription (May, 1917). 

Established by act of Congress. 

Reouires all able-bodied men between the ages of 21 and 
30, both inclusive, except such as should be exempted 
on various grounds mentioned in the law, to be called 
to military service. 

Tune 5, 1917, set aside as Registration Day. 

Ten million men, rich and poor alike, left their occupa- 
t'ons and responded to the call quietly, gravely, will- 
ingly. 

Provided for the drawing first of those most fit or most 
easily snared. Registered men classified in five classes. 
Men selected in order as determined by lot. 

In his proclamation on May 18, 1917, the President said: 

"It is a new thing in our history and a landmark in our progress. 
. . . It is in no sense a conscription of the unwilling: it 
is rather a selection from a nation which has volunteered in 
mass." 

4. Extension of Selective Draft. 

71 



REGULATION OF INDUSTRY IN WAR TIME 

Mobilization and regulation of industries, to eliminate waste, 
inefficiency, and lack of co-operation, applied to: 

I. Steel and iron. 

Manufactured into armor plate, machinery, rails, cannon, barbed 

wire, rifles, nails, helmets, etc. 
Prices fixed : 

1. To insure a fair profit. 

2. To give reasonable wages to workmen. 

3. To prevent exorbitant prices. 

II. Railroads. 

Government control necessitated as means of efficiently mobil- 
izing troops and of transporting supplies. 

1. War industries placed on preferred list, have first call 

on cars for shipment. 

2. Plants manufacturing locomotives, freight cars, and 

rails, or engaged exclusively in manufacture of rail- 
road supplies, placed on preferred list. 

3. Freight given preference. 

4. Passenger service reduced, — trains, cars, special ac- 

commodations, etc. 



III. Ships. 



Needed for our rapidly expanding military program and to off- 
set losses caused by submarines. 

1. Army of skilled and unskilled workers now being 

mobilized by Emergency Fleet Corporation. 

2. Plants building steel, wooden, and concrete ships 

placed on preferred list. 

3. Foreign ships obtained. 
IV. Munitions. 

New plants constructed and other factories converted into mu- 
nition plants ; operated 24 hours a day ; all plants engaged 
in manufacture of ammunition and small arms for the United 
States and the Allies placed on preferred list. 



V. Chemicals. 



1. Great increase due to necessity of manufacturing ma- 

terials formerly imported. 

2. Manufacture of chemicals needed for warfare includ- 

ing gas as a weapon, made necessary by Germany's 
violation of international law. 

3. Experimentation in and manufacture of chemicals 

needed in field and base hospital units. 

4. Plants engaged exclusively in manufacture of chemi- 

cals placed on preferred list. 




awn by J. Sheridan 

In the wearying duties of camp and trench a new book is like a 
message from home. Here soldier and sailor welcome the gifts of books 
sent through the American Library Association. Every book that can be 
spared should go forward to our boys abroad. 



73 



VI. Fuel. 

Conditions during our first year of war : 

1. Fuel scarce owing to the great quantities used by 

munition factories, increased shipping, and other 
war activities. 

2. Freight congestion on the railroads hampered the 

transportation of fuel. 

3. The unusual cold of the winter increased the demand. 
Fuel Administrator appointed by President : 

1. Fuel placed on preferred list. 

2. Preferred lists made out for supply of fuel, war in- 

dustries and war shipping heading the list. 

3. Prices fixed. 

VII. Publicity. 

Agencies needed to enlighten public as to war aims and ac- 
tivities. 

1. Committee on Public Information created by execu- 

tive order ; publishes pamphlets and articles ; daily 
bulletins and special bulletins ; "Four Minute Men." 

2. Other official bulletins ; War Department, Food Con- 

servation Bureau, Liberty Loan Committees. 

3. Libraries : books, magazines, newspapers, pamphlets, 
maps, posters, exhibitions of war materials. 

4. Patriotic plays and motion pictures ; photos and il- 

lustrations of army and navy activities ; war scenes 
and parades. 

5. War relief societies. 

FINANCING THE WAR 
I. Taxation. 

A "Pay as you go" method of raising money ; pays about a 
third of the war expenditures. 
Income. Property. Revenue. Duties. 

II. Loans. 

Cost distributed over a term of years. 

1. Thrift Stamps: twenty-five cents; no interest; can 

be exchanged for War Savings Stamps. 

2. War Savings Stamps : five dollars : sold at discount 

for cash or in exchange for Thrift Stamps. 

3. Bonds : 

(a) Non-registered; payable to bearer; interest 

paid on presentation of coupon; coupon 
cashed at any bank. 

(b) Registered ; payable only to owner ; interest 

paid by check. 



75 



Liberty Loans : 

1st Liberty Loan, May, 1917: $2,000,000,000; matures 
1947; rate of interest 3 J /2% ; 4,500;000 subscribers. 

2nd Liberty Loan, September, 1917: $3,000,000,000; rate 
of interest 4%.; 9,400,000 subscribers. 

3rd Liberty Loan, April, 1918: $3,000,000,000; rate of in- 
terest 4'4%; 17,000,000 subscribers. 

Payments: cash, bank, draft, check, post office money 
order, express money order ; entire amount or by in- 
stallments, — daily, weekly, monthly. 

All loans heavily oversubscribed. 

FOOD CONSERVATION 
I. "Food will win the war." 

Modification of the food habits of all our people needed, so that 
increased supplies of food may be saved for our soldiers and 
sailors and the Allies. 

Obedience to regulations of United States Food Administration 
necessary. 

II. Foods we must send. 

The most concentrated foods : wheat, meat, fats, and sugar. 

III. Foods we must use. 

In place of wheat — corn, rye, barley, rice, potatoes, oats. 

In place of meat — eggs, milk, cheese, nuts, legumes, fish. 

Fats — use sparingly ; avoid frying. Use vegetable fats when 

possible. 
In place of sugar — syrup, honey, molasses. 
Read circulars of the Food Administration; note regulations. 

IV. Food Administration. 

Food control laws passed bv Congress: the first, August 10, 
1917. 

Powers given President : 

To license manufacturing, importing, storing, and distri- 
bution of food. 
To requisition food and fuel for army, navy, and public 

service. 
To seize hoarded supplies. 
To issue regulations to prevent speculation. 
To regulate prices. 

Price-fixing proved very necessary during the sugar 

scarcity of 1917 and 1918. The price was fixed at ten 

cents a pound. During the Civil War, the price of 

sugar rose to 54 cents a pound. 

No foods allowed for use in distilled liquors. No liquors may 

be imported. 
Every housekeeper asked to enlist as member of the food Ad- 
ministration to secure conservation of food; millions pledged 
themselves to aid the government. 

76 




Drawn by Hariwig J. F. Jacobsen 

This poster developed in the Commercial High School cf Brooklyn, 
shows in quaint fashion the host which is called upon to help conserve 
food for the fighters overseas. We see against the rolling" background 
of a huge flag, the silhouettes of butcher, baker, cook, farmer, and house- 
keeper, while the shadows of others of our industrial and commercial 
army appear in the background. The moral is plain : "Not some must 
save, but all must save." 

77 



Increased production of food due to: 
Price-fixing. 

Dissemination by government of information on agri- 
culture. 
Boys' Working Reserve. 
Women's Land Army. 
War Gardens. 

"EAT LESS." "LOOK BETTER." "FEEL BETTER." 

WOMAN'S SERVICE 
I. Women's Committee of the Council of National Defense. 

Secretary of War appointed nine women, and summoned them 
to Washington in April, 1917. 

1. Aims. 

(a) To act as advisory counsel to secure cooperation of 

all women. 

(b) To act as clearing-house for the classification of all 

women's activities. 

(c) To provide a medium by which the government can 

promptly carry its requests to all women of every 
state. Separate committee organized in each 
state. 

(Note: Wyoming's Committee claims that its organization is so com- 
plete that a request from the government can be sent to every woman in 
the state in twenty-four hours.) 

2. Departments. 

(a) Registration. 

(b) Food Production and Home Economics. 

(c) Food Administration. 

(d) Women in Industry. 

(e) Child Welfare. 

(f) Social Service. 

(g) Health and Recreation, 
(h) Education. 

(i) Liberty Loan. 

(j) Home and Foreign Relief. 

II. Work done by other organizations of women. 

1. See "Red Cross." 

2. Welfare work in devastated regions: Belgium, France, Po- 

land. 

3. Cooperation in census, exemption boards, and Liberty Loan 

drives. 

4. Motor corps : motor cars, ambulances. 

5. "Land Army": women on farms; war gardens. 



79 



CHAPTER VII. 

AMERICAN IDEALS AS SET EORTH BY PRESIDENT 

WILSON 

ELAG DAY ADDRESS. 

Excerpts from address delivered at the Elag Day celebration, 
Washington, D. C, June 14, 1917: 

My Fellow Citizens: 

We meet to celebrate Elag Day because this flag which we 
honor and under which we serve is the emblem of our unity, our 
power, our thought and purpose as a nation. It has no other 
character than that which we give it from generation to genera- 
tion. The choices are ours. It floats in majestic silence above 
the hosts that execute those choices, whether in peace or in war. 
And yet, though silent, it speaks to us — speaks to us of the past, 
of the men and women who went before us and of the records 
they wrote upon it. We celebrate the day of its birth ; and from 
its birth until now it has witnessed a great history, has floated 
on high the symbol of great events, of a great plan of life worked 
out by a great people. We are about to carry it into battle, to 
lift it where it will draw the fire of our enemies. We are about 
to bid thousands, hundreds of thousands, it may be millions, of 
our men, the young, the strong, the capable men of the Nation, 
to go forth and die beneath it on fields of blood far away — for 
what ? For some unaccustomed thing ? For something for which 
it has never sought the fire before ? American armies were never 
before sent across the seas. Why are they sent now? For some 
new purpose, for which this grreat flag has never been carried 
before, or for some old, familiar, heroic purpose for which it 
has seen men, its own men, die on every battlefield upon which 
Americans have borne arms since the Revolution ? 

These are questions which must be answered. We are Ameri- 
cans. We in our turn serve America, and can serve her with no 
private purpose. We must use her flag as she has always used 
it. We are accountable at the bar of history and must plead in 
utter frankness what purpose it is we seek to serve. 

It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. The ex- 
traordinary insults and aggressions of the Imperial German Gov- 
ernment left us no self-respecting choice but to take up arms in 
defense of our rights as a free people and of our honor as a 
sovereign Government. The military masters of Germany denied 
us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspecting com- 
munities with vicious spies and conspirators and sought to cor- 
rupt the opinion of our people in their own behalf. 

80 



When they found that they could not do that, their agents 
diligently spread sedition amongst us and sought to draw our 
own citizens from their allegiance ; and some of those agents 
were men connected with the official embassy of tr;e German 
Government itself here in our own capital. They sought by vio- 
lence to destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. They 
tried to incite Mexico to take up arms against us and to draw 
Japan into a hostile alliance with her ; and that, not by indirection, 
but by direct suggestion from the foreign office in Berlin. They 
impudently denied us the use of the high seas and repeatedly 
executed their threat that they would send to their death any of 
our people who ventured to approach the coasts of Europe. 

But that is only part of the story. We know now as clearly 
as we knew before we were ourselves engaged that we are not 
the enemies of the German people and that they are not our 
enemies. They did not originate or desire this hideous war or 
wish that we should be drawn into it ; and we are vaguely con- 
scious that we are fighting their cause, as they will some day see 
it, as well as our own. They are themselves in the grip of the 
same sinister power that has now at last stretched its ugly talons 
out and drawn blood from us. The whole world is at war be- 
cause the whole world is in the grip of that power and is trying 
out the great battle which shall determine whether it is to be 
brought under its mastery or fling itself free. 

For us there is put one choice. We have made it. Woe be 
to the man or group of men that seeks to stand in our way in 
this day of high resolution, when every principle we hold dearest 
is to be vindicated and made secure for the salvation of the na- 
tions. We are ready to plead at the bar of history, and our flag 
shall wear a new luster. Once more we shall make good with 
our lives and fortunes the great faith to which we were born, 
and a new glory shall shine in the face of our people. 

PROGRAM OF THE WORLD'S PEACE. 

Excerpts from address delivered to Congress, January 8, 1918: 

We entered this war because violations of right had occurred 
which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own peo- 
ple impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured 
once and for all against their recurrence. What we demand in 
this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is thai 
the world be made fit and safe to live in ; and particularly that 
it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our 
own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, 
be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the 

81 



world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples 
of the world are, in effect, partners in this interest, and for our 
own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to 
others it will not be done to us. 

The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our pro- 
gram, and that program, the only possible program, as we see 
it, is this : 

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which 
there shall be no private international understandings of any hind 
but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public 
view. 

II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas outside 
territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas 
may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the 
enforcement of international covenants. 

III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers 
and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among 
all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves 
for its maintenance. 

IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national ar- 
maments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with do- 
mestic safety. 

V. A free, open-minded and absolutely impartial adjustment 
of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the prin- 
ciple that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the 
interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight 
with the equitable claims of the Government whose title is to 
be determined. 

VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settle- 
ment of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and 
freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining 
for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the 
independent determination of her own political development and 
national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the so- 
ciety of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, 
more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may 
need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia 
by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test 
of their good-will,, of their comprehension of her needs as dis- 
tinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligence and 
unselfish sympathy. 

VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evac- 
uated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty 
which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No 
other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence 

82 




Drawn by John H. Larkin 

This poster won an award in the DeWitt Clinton High School, Man- 
hattan. The student who drew it has used in striking fashion 1 the slim 
figure of the girl who has consecrated herself, outlined against the Red 
Cross which she serves. Her plea for aid thus gains double force. One 
feels the personal appeal, as well as that of the great organization for 
which the helper pleads. 

83 



among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set 
and determined for the government of their relations with one 
another. Without this healing act the whole structure and valid 
ity of international law is forever impaired. 

VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded 
portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 
1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the 
peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted in 
order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest 
of all. 

IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be ef- 
fected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality. 

X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the 
nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be ac- 
corded the freest opportunity of autonomous development. 

XL Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated, 
occupied territories restored, Serbia accorded free and secure ac- 
cess to the sea, and the relations of the several Balkan States to 
one another determined by friendly counsel along historically es- 
tablished lines of allegiance and nationality, and international 
guarantees of the political and economic independence and ter- 
ritorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be entered 
into. 

XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire 
should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities 
which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an un- 
doubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportu- 
nity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be 
permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce 
of all nations under international guarantees. 

XIII. An independent Polish State should be erected which 
should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish 
populations, which should be assured a free and secure access 
to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and 
territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international cove- 
nant. 

XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under 
specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guaran- 
tees of political independence and territorial integrity to great 
and small States alike. 

In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and as- 
sertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all 
the governments and peoples associated together against the im- 

T 85 



perialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in pur- 
pose. We stand together until the end. 

We have spoken now, surely, in terms too concrete to admit 
of any further doubt or question. An evident principle runs 
through the whole program I have outlined. It is the principle 
of justice to all peoples and nationalities, and their right to live 
on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether 
they be strong or weak. Unless this principle be made its foun- 
dation, no part of the structure of international justice can stand. 
The people of the United States could act upon no other prin- 
ciple ; and to the vindication of this principle they are ready to 
devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they possess. 
The moral climax of this the culminating and final war for human 
liberty has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, 
their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion to 
the test. 

INDEPENDENCE DAY ADDRESS. 

Full text of the address at the tomb of George Washington, 
Mount Vernon, Virginia, on July 4, 1918: 

Gentlemen of the Diplomatic Corps and My Fellow 
Citizens: 

I am happy to draw apart with you to this quiet place of old 
counsel in order to speak a little of the meaning of this day of 
our nation's independence. The place seems very still and re- 
mote. It is as serene and untouched by the hurry of the world 
as it was in those great days long ago when General Washing- 
ton was here and held leisurely conference with the men who 
were to be associated with him in the creation of a nation. From 
these gentle slopes they looked out upon the world and saw it 
whole, saw it with the light of the future upon it, saw it with 
modern eyes that turned away from a past which men of liber- 
ated spirits could no longer endure. 

It is for that reason that we cannot feel, even here, in the 
immediate presence of this sacred tomb, that this is a place of 
death. It was a place of achievement. A great promise that 
was meant for all mankind was here given plan and reality. The 
associations by which we are here surrounded are the inspiring 
associations of that noble death which is only a glorious con- 
summation. From this green hillside we also ouerht to be able 
to see with comprehending eyes the world that lies around us 
and conceive anew the purpose that must set men free. 

It is significant — significant of their own character and pur- 
pose and of the influences they were setting afoot — that Wash- 
ington and his associates, like the barons at Runnymede, spoke 
and acted, not for a class, but for a people. It has been left for 

86 



us to see to it that it shall he understood that they spoke and 
acted, not for a single people only but for all mankind. 

They were thinking, not of themselves and of the material 
interests which centred in the little groups of landholders and 
merchants and men of affairs with whom they were accustomed 
to act in Virginia and the Colonies to the north and south of her, 
but of a people which wished to be clone with classes and special 
interests and the authority of men whom they had not themselves 
chosen to rule over them. They entertained no private purpose, 
desired no peculiar privilege. They were consciously planning 
that men of every class should be free and America a place to 
which men out of every nation might resort who wished to share 
with them the rights and privileges of free men. 

And we take our cue from them, do we not? We intend what 
they intended. We here in America believe our participation in 
this present war to be only the fruitage of what they planted. 
Our case differs from theirs only in this : That it is our ines- 
timable privilege to concert with men out of every nation who 
shall make not only the liberties of America secure, but the lib- 
erties of every other people as well. 

We are happy in the thought that we are permitted to do what 
they would have done had they been in our place. There must 
now be settled once for all what was settled for America in the 
great age upon whose inspiration we draw to-day. This is surely 
a fitting place from which calmly to look out upon our task that 
we may fortify our spirits for its accomplishment. 

And this is the appropriate place from which to avow, alike 
to the friends who look on and to the friends with whom we 
have the happiness to be associated in action, the faith and pur- 
pose with which we act. 

This, then, is our conception of the great struggle in which 
we are engaged. The plot is written plain upon every scene and 
every act of the supreme tragedy. On the one hand the peoples 
of the world — not only the peoples actually engaged but many 
others also who suffer under mastery but cannot act ; peoples of 
many races and in every part of the world — the people of stricken 
Russia still, among the rest, though they are for the moment 
unorganized and helpless. Opposed to them, masters of many 
armies, stands an isolated, friendless group of governments who 
speak no common purpose but only selfish ambitions of their own 
by which none can profit but themselves and whose peoples are 
fuel in their hands — governments which fear their people and yet 
are for the time their sovereign lords, making every choice for 
them and disposing of their lives and fortunes as they will, as 
well as of the lives and fortunes of every people who fall under 
their power — governments clothed with the strange trappings and 
the primitive authority of an age that is altogether alien and 
hostile to our own. 

87 



The past and the present are in deadly grapple, and the peo- 
ples of the world are being done to death between them. 

There can be but one issue. The settlement must be final. 
There can be no compromise. No half-way decision would be 
tolerable. No half-way decision is conceivable. These are the 
ends for which the associated peoples of the world are fighting 
and which must be conceded them before there can be peace : 

I. The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that 
can separately, secretly and of its single choice disturb the peace 
of the world ; or, if it cannot be presently destroyed, at the least 
itj reduction to virtual impotence. 

II. The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of 
sovereignty, of economic arrangement or of political relationship, 
upon the basis of the free acceptance of that settlement by the 
people immediately concerned, and not upon the basis of the ma- 
terial interest or advantage of any other nation or people which 
may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior 
influence or mastery. 

III. The consent of all nations to be governed in their con- 
duct toward each other by the same principles of honor and of 
respect for the common law of civilized societv that govern the 
individual citizens of all modern States in their relations with one 
another, to the end that all promises and covenants may be 
sacredly observed, no private plots or conspiracies hatched, no 
selfish injuries wrought with impunity, and a mutual trust estab- 
lished upon the handsome foundation of a mutual respect for 
right. 

IV. The establishment of an organization of peace which 
shall make it certain that the combined power of free nations will 
check every invasion of right and serve to make peace and jus- 
tice the more secure by affording a definite tribunal of opinion 
to which all must submit and by which every international re- 
adjustment that cannot be amicably agreed upon by the people 
directly concerned shall be sanctioned." 

These great objects can be put into a single sentence. What 
we seek is the reign of law, based upon the "consent of the gov- 
erned and sustained by the organized opinion of mankind. 

These great ends cannot be achieved by debating; and seeking 
to reconcile and accommodate what statesmen may wish with 
their projects for balances of power and of national opportunity. 
They can be realized only by the determination of what the think- 
ing people of the world desire, with their longing hope for jus- 
tice and for social freedom and opportunity. 

I can fancy that the air of this place carries the accents of 
such principles with a peculiar kindness. Here were started 
forces which the great nation against which they were primarily 



directed at first regarded as a revolt against its rightful author- 
ity, but which it has long since seen to have been a step in the 
liberation of its own people as well as of the people of the United 
States, and I stand here now to speak — speak proudly and with 
confident hope — of the spread of this revolt, this liberation, to 
the great stage of the world itself ! 

The blinded rulers of Prussia have roused forces they knew 
little of, forces which, once roused, can never be crushed to earth 
again, for they have at their heart an inspiration and a purpose 
which are deathless and of the very stuff of triumph. 

LIBERTY LOAN ADDRESS 

Excerpts from address delivered at the opening of the cam- 
paign for the Fourth Liberty Loan, New York, Sept. 27, 1918. 

The President set forth these principles as "representing" this 
Government's interpretation of its own duty with regard to 
peace : 

First — The impartial justice meted out must involve no dis- 
crimination between those to whom we wish to be just and those 
to whom we do not wish to be just. It must be a justice that 
plays no favorites and knows no standard but the equal rights of 
the several peoples concerned ; 

Second — No special or separate interest of any single nation 
or any group of nations can be made the basis of any part of the 
settlement which is not consistent with the common interest of 
all; 

Third — There can be no league or alliance or special covenants 
and understandings within the general and common family by the 
League of Nations ; 

Fourth and more specifically — There can be no special, selfish 
economic combinations within the league and no employment of 
any form of economic boycott or exclusion except as the power 
of economic penalty by exclusion from the markets of the world 
may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a means of dis- 
cipline and control ; 

Fifth — All international agreements and treaties of every kind 
must be made known in their entirety to the rest of the world. 



89 



PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF THE WAR 

1914 

June 28 — Assassination of Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to 
the Austrian throne, and his wife, at Serajevo, 
Bosnia. 

July 23 — Ultimatum of Austria-Hungary to Serbia. 

July 28 — Declaration of war on Serbia by Austria-Hungary. 

July 31— Mobilization of Russian troops. 

Aug. 1 — Declaration of war on Russia by Germany. 

Aug. 2 — Ultimatum of Germany to Belgium, demanding pas- 
sage of her troops through that country. 

Aug. 3 — Declaration of war on France by Germany. 

Aug. 4 — Declaration of war on Germany by Great Britain, be- 
cause Germany refused to recognize the neutrality 
of Belgium. 

Aug. 4 — Proclamation of neutrality issued by the United States. 

Aug. 4-26 — Invasion of Belgium by Germany. The country 
overrun. 

Aug. 6 — Declaration of war on Russia by Austria-Hungary. 

Aug. 10 — Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by France. 

Aug. 12 — Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by Great 
Britain. 

Aug. 16 — Arrival of British Expeditionary Force in France. 

Aug. 21-23 — Battle of Mons-Charleroi, Belgium. Dogged retreat 
of French and British into France. 

Aug. 2(5 — Severe setback of Russians at Tannenberg. 

Aug. 26 — Conquest of Togoland, Africa, by the British and 

French. 
Aug. 28 — First big naval battle of the war at Helgoland, won by 

British. 

Sept. 5 — Treaty signed by Great Britain, France, and Russia 
agreeing not to make a separate peace. 

Sept. 6-10 — Battle of Marne. Germans stopped in their advance 
toward Paris by the French, and driven back from 
the Marne to the Aisne river, where the battle line 
remained practically stationary for three years. 

Sept. 22 — Sinking of three British armored cruisers by a German 
submarine. 

90 



Oct. 9 — Occupation of Antwerp by Germans. 

Oct. 16-28 — Battle of the Yser. Germans stopped in their ad- 
vance by Belgians and French. 

Oct. 17-Nov. 17 — First battle of Ypres. Germans repulsed in 
their drive for the Channel ports by Belgians, French 
and British. 

Nov. 5 — Declaration of war on Turkey by France, Great Britain, 
and Russia. 

Nov. 7 — Capture of Tsingtau by the Japanese. 

Nov. 10-Dec. 14 — Invasion of Serbia by Austria. 

Dec. 16 — Bombardment of the unfortified British towns of West 
Hartlepool, Scarborough, and Whitby by German 
warships. Defenseless non-combatants killed. 

Dec. 24 — First German air raid on England. 

Aug. 4-Dec. 31- — German shipping practically driven from the 
seas. 

1915 

Tan. 24 — British naval victory in the North Sea off Dogger 
Bank. 

Jan. 28 — Sinking of an American merchantman, Wm. P. Frye, 
by a German cruiser although Germany was not at 
war with the Linked States. Violation of interna- 
tional law. 

Feb. 4 — Proclamation by Germany of "war zone" around the 
British Isles after Feb. 18. Commerce of neutrals 
restricted. 

Feb. 18 — Beginning of submarine campaign of "piracy and pil- 
lage" by Germany. 

Feb. 1 9- Jan. 8, 191 6 — Allied attack on the Dardanelles. Troops 
landed at Gallipoli finally withdrawn. 

Mar. 1 — Announcement of British blockade of Germany. 

Mar. 17 — Capture of Przemysl by Russians, strengthening their 
hold on Galicia. 

Mar. 28 — Sinking of the British steamship, Falaba. in lives 
lost. First American killed by a German submarine. 

Apr. 17-May 17 — Second battle of Ypres. Asphyxiating gas 
used by Germans in violation of international law. 
Germans again failed to break through to the Chan- 
nel ports. 

Apr. 28— Attack on American steamship, Cushing, by a German 
airplane. 

— 91 



May i — Attack on American steamship, GidMght, by German 

submarine. Two Americans killed. 
May 2— Battle of the Dunajec. Russians compelled to retire 

from Galicia. 

May 7 — Sinking of the Cunard liner, Lusitania, by German sub- 
marine. 1,154 lives lost, including 114 Americans. 
Women and children killed. 

May 23 — Declaration of war on Austria by Italy. 

June 3 — Re-capture of Przemysl by Austrians and Germans. 
July 12-Sept. 18 — Conquest of Russian Poland by the Germans. 
July 15 — Conquest of German Southwest Africa by the British. 

Aug. 4 — Capture of Warsaw by the Germans. 

Aug. 19 — Sinking of the White Star liner, Arabic. 44 lives lost, 

including two Americans. 
Aug. 20 — Declaration of war on Turkey by Italy. 

Sept. 8 — Recall of Austrian ambassador demanded by United 
States on proof of German intrigue in the United 
States. 

Sept. 18 — Fall of Vilna. End of Russin retreat. 

Sept. 26-Oct. 2 — French offensive in Champagne. 

Oct. 6-Dec. 2 — Conquest of Serbia by Austrians, Germans, and 
Bulgarians. 

Dec. 10 — Dismissal by the United States of German naval and 
military attaches on proof of further German in- 
trigue in the United States. 

1916 
Feb. 16 — Capture of Kamerun, German West Africa. 

Feb. 21-Nov. 3 — Siege of Verdun. Verdun, a fortified city in 
France, is a "military key" to the western front. Vio- 
lent assaults were made upon it by the Germans 
with terrific losses of men and two of its forts were 
captured. Later the French regained practically all 
they had lost. 

Mar. 8 — Declaration of war on Portugal by Germany. 
Mar. 24 — Sinking of the cross-Channel steamer Sussex. 80 
killed or wounded, including two Americans. 

Apr. 17 — Capture of Trebizond by Russians. 

Apr. 18 — Ultimatum of United States to Germany, stating that 
unless Germany abandoned her methods of sub- 
marine warfare, the United States would sever dip- 

, lomatic relations. 

92 



May 16-June 3 — Attack on Italians by Austrians through the 
Trentino, a part of "Italia Irredenta." 

May 31 — Naval battle off Jutland, won by British. 

July i-Nov. 26 — Battle of the Somme. Failure of the Allies to 
drive Germans from strong positions in northern 
France. 

July 9 — Arrival of a German commercial submarine at Balti- 
more, in attempt to break the Allied blockade. 

Aug. 9 — Capture by Italians of Gorizia, an important city on 
route to Trieste. 

Aug. 27 — Declaration of war on Germany by Italy. 

Aug. 2j — Entrance of Rumania into the war on the side of the 
Allies. 

Oct. 11-Jan. 15, 1917 — Invasion of Rumania by the Teutons. 

Dec. 12 — German peace offer. Rejected by the Allies as "empty 
and insincere." 

1917 

Jan. 10 — Statement of peace terms by Allies, demanding "restor- 
ation, reparations, indemnities." 

Jan. 31 — Announcement of unrestricted submarine warfare by 
Germany in violation of international law. 

Feb. 3 — Severence of diplomatic relations between the United 
States and Germany, and dismissal of the German 
ambassador. 

Feb. 24 — Re-occupation of Kut-el-Amara by the British. 

Feb. 28 — Publication of a note from Germany to Mexico, reveal- 
ing Germany's plan for an alliance with Mexico and 
a Mexican invasion of the United States. The 
President of Mexico was to secure Japan's consent to 
these plans and mediate for a peace between Ger- 
many and Japan. Japan at once repudiated any con- 
nection with these schemes. 

Mar. 11 — Capture of Bagdad by British. 

Mar. 11-15 — Revolution in Russia. Czar forced to abdicate. 

Mar. 12 — Announcement of "armed neutrality" by the United 
States. American merchantmen armed for defense 
only. 

Mar. 17-19 — Retirement of Germans on the West Front to the 
"Hindenburg Line," a stronger line of defense. 

93 



Apr. 6 — -Declaration of war on Germany by the United States. 

Apr. 9-May 14 — Battle of Arras. British pursued retreating Ger- 
mans and captured Vimy Ridge, threatening Lens. 

Apr. i6-May6 — Battle of the Aisne. French dislodged Germans 
from strong positions held by them since the Battle 
of the Marne. 

May 4 — Great Italian offensive on Carso plateau. 
May 15-Sept. 15 — Arrival of American destroyers in the "war 
zone." Cooperation with Allied navies. 

May 18 — Enactment of the Selective Draft Law in the United 
States. 

J June 15 — First Liberty Loan. $2,000,000,000 offered. $3,035,226- 
850 subscribed. 
June 26 — Arrival of first American Expeditionary force in 
France. General Pershing in command. 

July 31 — Beginning of great British and French offensive in 
Flanders. 

Aug. 19 — New Italian drive on Carso plateau. 

Aug. 27 — President's reply to Papal peace overtures stating aims 
of United States in the war — necessity of ending 
German militarism to insure permanent peace. Re- 
ply endorsed by Allies. 

Sept. 13 — Capture of Riga, Russia, by Germans. 

Oct. 26-Dec. 30 — Great German-Austrian counter-attack on Ital- 
ians on Carso plateau, driving them back into Italy. 
Venice saved by Italian defense holding the enem) 
at the Piave River. 
■ Oct. 26 — Declaration of war on Germany by Brazil. 
■J Oct. 27 — Second Liberty Loan. $3,000,000,000 offered. $4,617,- 
532,300 subscribed. 

Nov. 7 — Overthrow of Kerensky and the Provisional Govern- 
ment of Russia by the Bolsheviki. 

Nov 22-Dec. 13 — Battle of Cambrai. Initial British gains some- 
what canceled by later successful German counter- 
attacks. 

Dec. 7 — Declaration of war on Austria-Hungary by United 
States. 

Dec. 9— Capture of Jerusalem by the British. 

Dec. 10 — Conquest of German East Africa by the British. 

Dec. 23 — Peace negotiations between Germany and Russia. 
Armistice signed between Germany and the Bolshe- 
viki. 

Dec. 26 — Management of the railroads in the United States 
taken over by the United States Government. 

94 



1918 

Jan. 31 — United States troops in first line trenches in France. 
Feb. 5 — Sinking of British steamer Tuscania, a transport for / 
United States troops. 212 Americans lost. 

Feb. 9 — Treaty of peace, Germany and Ukraine. 

Feb. 10 — Withdrawal of Russia from the war. 

Feb. 11 — Demobilization of Russian troops. 

Feb. 17 — Renewal of Italian campaign against Austrian invaders. 

Mar. 3 — Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Germany and Russia. 
Mar. 5 — Treaty of Bucharest, Germany and Rumania. 
Mar. 7 — Treaty of peace, Germany and Finland. 
Mar. 18 — Refusal of Supreme War Council of Allies to acknowl- 
edge Germany's treaties with Russia and Rumania. 

Mar. 21 — Beginning of new German offensive on West Front for 
distance of 150 miles. Battle of Picardy. Bom- 
bardment of Paris by German long-range guns. 

Mar. 28 — Appointment of General Ferdinand Foch as Generalis- 
simo of all the Allied forces on the West Front. 

Mar. 29 — Brigading of Americans with French and British troops 
on West Front. 

Apr. 6 — Third Liberty Loan. $3,000,000,000 offered. $4,170.- / 
019,650 subscribed. 

Apr. 1 1 — Control of principal coastwise steamship lines taken 
over by United States Government. 

Apr. 19 — Arrival of Italian troops on the West Front. 

Apr. 2^ — Successful raid on German submarine bases at Ostend 
and Zeebrugge by British and French. Both har- 
bors blocked. 

Apr. 29 — Section of French line on West Front taken over by 
United States troops. 

May 25 — Beginning of German submarine raids on shipping in. 

waters off the eastern coast of the United States. 
May 2 1 / — Resumption of German offensive on West Front. 
May 28 — Capture of Cantigny by United States troops. 

June 5 — Advance of Germans toward Paris again stopped at the 
Marne. 

June 15 — Austrian offensive against Italians for distance of 97 
miles from Asiago to the sea. 

June 2T, — Withdrawal of Austrian troops across the Piave. Fail- 
ure of offensive. 

95 



(. 



July 9-1 1 — Successful Allied advance in Albania. 

July 15 — German offensive on 60-mile front from Chateau- 
Thierry nearly to the Argonne. . 

Occupation of Murman coast by British and American 
troops. 

July 18-Aug. 15 — Counter-offensive by French and Americans 
from the Aisne to the Marne. Capture of Chateau- 
Thierry. Elimination of Marne salient. 

Aug. 1 — Control of all telegraph and telephone systems taken 
over by United States Government. 

Aug. 8-Sept. 18 — Elimination of salients pointing toward 
Amiens, Compeigne, and Ypres by Allies. Retreat 
of Germans to, and, in some places, beyond the 
Hindenburg line. 

Aug. 15 — Landing of American troops at Vladivostok. 

Sept. 3 — Recognition by the United States of Czecho-Slovaks as 
a belligerent nation. 

Sept. 6— Retreat of Germans on 90-mile front from the Aisne 
to Cambrai. 

Sept. 11 — Landing of American troops at Archangel. 

Sept. 12 — Registration for war service of men from 18 to 45 
years of age not previously registered, throughout 
the United States. 

Sept. 12-14 — First independent American offensive. St. Mihiel 
salient, held by the Germans for four years, wiped 
out. Front in Lorraine established and Metz threat- 
ened by Americans and French. 

Sept. 14 — British advance toward Cambrai and St. Quentin. 

Sept. 18 — Allied advance in Macedonia against Bulgarians. 



96 



WAR TERMS AND NAMES 

ace — an aviator who has achieved a certain number of military successes 

under certain conditions. 
Aisne (an) — river, France. 

Alsace-Lorraine (al sas' lo ran') — territory taken from France in the 

Franco-Prussian War. 
Amiens (am'ienz) — manufacturing town on Somme, France. 
Argonne (argon') — forest region, France. 
Armentieres (ar' raaN tyar') — manufacturing town, France. 
Arras (a ras') — fortified city, France. 
Bagdad (bag' dad) — city, Turkey, 
barrage (bar azh') — a screen of artillery fire. 

Bolsheviki (bul she ve ke' ) — the extreme radical wing of the Russian So- 
cialist Democratic Party. 
Boulogne (boolon') — Channel port, France. 
Brest-Litovsk (brest' lye tofsk' ) town, Poland. 
Calais (kal'a) — Channel port, France. 
Cambrai (kaNbre') — fortified city, France, 
camouflage (kamooflazh) — the disguising of ships, roads, batteries, etc., 

to deceive the enemy, 
canteen (kanten') — a government store for the use of soldiers; food 

station of a welfare organization. 
Carso (kar' so) — part of Italia Irredenta, 
caterpillar-drive — a method of locomotion by means of an endless rotating 

chain belt, which secures traction by bearing upon the ground. 
Chateau-Thierry (sha td' tye re') — town on Marne, France. 
Courland (koor'land) — Russian territory under German domination, 
dirigible (dir'ijibl) — a balloon that can be steered, 
dugout (dug' out) — a shelter for soldiers. 
Dunkirk (dun'kurk) — Channel port, France. 

Esthonia (estho'nia) — Russian territory under German domination, 
exemption board — a committee appointed to determine the order in which 

drafted men shall be selected for service, 
expeditionary force — troops sent to fight on foreign soil. 
Flanders (flan'derz) — district in Netherlands, Belgium, and France. 
Gallipoli (gal le' po le) — peninsula. Turkey. 
Helgoland (hel' go lant') — island, North Sea. 

internment (in tern' ment ) — detention of enemy aliens or enemy ships. 
Isonzo (esun'zo) — river, Austria. 
Italia Irredenta (etal'ya Tr' re den' ta) — "unredeemed" Italy. Territory 

populated mainly by Italians, but under foreign control. 
Lens (laN) — town, France. 
Liege (le ezh') — city, Belgium, 
listening-post — an outpost on the front line from which a sentinel watches 

for enemy movements. 
Lithuania (lith' u a' ni a) — territory in Russia and Germany. 
Livonia (livo'nia) — Russian territory under German domination. 

99 



Loos (16s) — manufacturing town, France. 
Louvain (loo' van') — city, Belgium. 

Luxemburg (liik' sem burg) — grand duchy; neutrality violated oy Ger- 
many. 

Marne (marn) — river, France. 

Maubeuge (mo' buzh') — manufacturing town, France. 

Meuse (muz) — river, France, Belgium, Holland. 

moratorium (mor' a to' ri um) — legal protection by which money rights 
are safeguarded during wartime. 

Namur (na' miir') — fortified city, Belgium. 

Noyon (nwa'yon') — manufacturing town, France. 

Oise (waz) — river, France. 

Ostend (ost end') — Channel port, Belgium. 

Ourcq (oork) — river, France. 

Palestine (pal' es tin) — the Holy Land. 

Piave (pya' va) — river, Italy. 

Picardy (pik' ar di) — province, France. 

preferred list — a list of industries which are to be given priority of 
shipments in transportation. 

profiteering — taking advantage of war conditions to make excessive profits. 

Rheims (remz) — city, France. 

Riga (re'ga) — seaport, Russia. 

'Rumania (rooma'nia) — a Balkan Kingdom. 

sabotage (sa' bo' tazh') — malicious destruction or waste of property; de- 
liberate waste of time to delay completion of work. 

St. Mihiel (saN' me' yel') — town on Meuse, France. 

salient — a wedge-shaped projection of a battle line. 

shell-shock — nervous disease caused by the detonation of shells. 

shock troops — troops of great endurance, highly trained, and experienced 
in actual warfare ; selected for particularly hazardous advances. 

Somme (som) — river, France. 

Soissons (swa' son') — town on Aisne, France. 

Soviet (soveet') — Russian council of workmen's and soldiers' delegates. 

trawler — deep-sea fishing vessel ; armed and used in this war for mine- 
sweeping and for hunting submarines. 

Trentino (tren te' no) — part of Italia Irredenta. 

Toul (tool) — manufacturing town, France. 

Ukraine (ii'kran) — district in southwestern Russia. 

Verdun (ver' duN') — fortified city, France. 

Vladivostok (via dyi vos tok') — Pacific seaport, Siberia, Russia. 

Ypres (e' pr) — manufacturing town, Belgium. 



Principal authority for pronunciation— Webster. 

100 



REFERENCE LIST 



Historic Background. 



Benezet, L. P. — The World War, and What Was Behind it, — a story 
of the Map of Europe. Scott, Foresman and Company. 1916- 
1918. 

Davis, William Stearns — Roots of the War, a non-technical history 

of Europe, 1900-1914 A. D. Century— 1918. 
Patriotism, a reading list. New York Public Library — 1918. 

Evidence and Opinion. 

Baker, Newton D. — Frontiers of Freedom. Doran — 1918. 

Beck, James M. — The Evidence in the Case, — an analysis of the diplo- 
matic records submitted by England, Germany, Russia, and Bel- 
gium. Putnam — 1914. 

America at W r ar. National Security League. 
Conquest and Kultur, aims of the Germans in their own words. Com- 
mittee on Public Information — 1918. 

Current History Magazine (monthly). New York Times. 
Diplomatic Correspondence with Belligerent Governments, relating to 

Neutral Rights and Commerce — the official United States set of 

war documents. State Department. 
Gauss, Christian — Democracy Today. Scott, Foresman and Company 

—1917. 
German W'ar Practices — edited by D. C. Munroe, S. C. Sellery, and 

A. C. Krey. Committee on Public Information — 1917. 
Lane, Franklin K. — The American Spirit. Stokes Co. — 1918. 
Lichnowsky, Prince Karl — The guilt of Germany for the war of Ger- 
man aggression, by the German Ambassador to England, 1912- 

1914. Putnam— 1918. 
National Geographic Magazine (monthly). National Geographic 

Society, Washington, D. C. 
Out of Their Own Mouths, — utterances of German rulers, statesmen, 

savants, publicists, journalists, poets, business men, party leaders 

and soldiers. Appleton — 1917. National Security League. 
Powell, Lyman, P and Gertrude W. — The Spirit of Democracy, 

patriotism through literature. Rand, McNally and Company — 

1918. 
Report of the Committee on Alleged German Outrages, presided over 

by the Right Hon. Viscount Bryce. Macmillan — 1915. 
Scott, J. F— Patriots in the Making. Appleton— 1916. 
Usher, Roland G. — The Winning of the War. Harper — 1918. 
Voices of Our Leaders, — compiled by William Mather Lewis. Hinds, 

Hayden, and Eldridge — 1917. 
Wilson, Woodrow — W r ar Addresses of Woodrow Wilson, edited by 

Arthur R. Leonard. Ginn — 1918. 

In Our First Year of War, — messages and addresses to the 

Congress and the people, March 5, 1917, to January 8, 1918. Har- 
per— 1918. 
Wood, General Leonard— Universal Military Training, Collier— 1917. 

103 



Relief Work. 

Boardman, Mabel — Under the Red Cross Flag. Lippincott — 1918. 
Clark, Ida Clyde — American Women and the World War. Apple- 
ton— 1918. 

Farmer, A. N. and Huntington, J. R. — Food Problems. Ginn — 1918. 
Fraser, Helen — Women and War Work. Shaw — 1918. 

Kellogg, Paul U. — Free Belgium Between the Front and the Sea. The 
Survey— 1918. 

Red Cross Magazine (monthly). American National Red Cross. 

Personal Narration. 

Cholmondelay, Alice — Christine (fiction). Macmillan — 1917. 

Dawson, Coningsby — Carry On. Lane — 1917. 

Empey, Arthur Guy — Over the Top. Putnam — 1917. 

Gerard, James W. — My Four Years in Germany. Doran — 1917. 

Gibson, Hugh — A Journal from our Legation in Belgium. Double- 
day— 1917. 

Hay, Ian — The First Hundred Thousand. Houghton — 1915. 

Fluard, F. W. — My Home in the Field of Honour. Doran — 1916. 

Knyvett, Captain R. Hugh — "Over There" with the Australians. Scrib- 
ner— 1918. 

Lauder, Harry — A Minstrel in France. International Library Com- 
pany— 1918. 

Turczynowicz, Laura Gozdawa de — When the Prussians Came to 
Poland. Putnam — 1916. 

Reference and Handbooks. 

Allen, William H. — War Fact Tests for Graduation and Promotion. 
World Book Co.— 1918. 

Atlas of the World War— Rand, McNally & Co.— 1918. 

Leighton, Etta V. — Correspondence Courses in Teaching Patriotism, 
a study of American ideals. National Security League — 1918. 

The Battle Line of Democracy, a collection of prose and poetry of 
the World War. Committee on Public Information — 1917. 

Harding, Samuel B. — The Study of the Great War, a topical outline. 
Committee on Public Information — 1918. (Contains an excellent 
bibliography.) 

Wickware, F. C. ed. American Year Book. Appleton — 1917. 

National Service Handbook. Committee on Public Information — 1917. 

New International Year Book. 1914-1917. Dodd, Mead & Co. 

War Cyclopedia, a handbook-for ready reference. Committee on Pub- 
lic Information — 1918. 

Teachers are recommended to apply to the following sources for 
valuable publications : 

Ahtferican Association for International Conciliation, 407 West 117th 
Street, New York. 

Committee on Public Information, 461 8th Avenue, New York, 
National Security League, 19 West 44th Street, New York. 
National War Savings Committee, Washington, D. C. ; 



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